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Examina-se aqui um estudo realizado por Theodor Adorno acerca das locuções radiofônicas do ativista político de extrema direita nos EUA, o pastor Martin Luther Thomas, à década de 30. Detendo-se nestes discursos por meio do método da análise de conteúdo, Adorno buscava entender os motivos que levaram os indivíduos a perpetuarem as mesmas relações econômicas que suas forças haviam superado, em vez de substituí-los por uma forma de organização social superior e mais racional. Passados mais de 70 anos, este estudo é, sem dúvidas, um instrumental precípuo para compreendermos o atual cenário social, principalmente o político.
El texto se propone exponer críticamente algunos contenidos fundamentales del concepto de totalidad y su importancia para el pensamiento dialéctico. Partiendo de una crítica de la concepción hegeliana de totalidad, busca sin embargo defender este concepto, aunque reconstruido desde un giro materialista a partir de la filosofía desarrollada por Theodor W. Adorno. El concepto de totalidad cambiaría su significado y función a partir de la crítica materialista, pasando de la idea de un todo determinado y definitivo, a un criterio epistemológico y normativo para oponerse con efectividad a la imposición de una totalidad social.
To imitate all that is hidden. The place of mimesis in Adorno’s theory of musical performance
(2017)
The article examines the use of the concept of mimesis in Adorno’s notes towards a theory of musical performance. In trying to idiosyncratically define the latter as “reproduction”, Adorno relied on a framework elaborating on concepts introduced by Arnold Schoenberg, Hugo Riemann and Walter Benjamin – a framework that the article discusses insofar as it deals with the problem of mimesis. Specific attention is devoted to the relation between Benjamin’s essays on language and translation and Adorno’s theory of notation, that soon became the crucial aspect of his theory of reproduction. Given the shortcomings of Adorno’s theory, which in the end did not achieve its goals, the article proposes to capitalize on his terminology while at the same time rethinking his framework in the light of recent musicological paradigms for the study of musical performance. On the whole, the article shows that it was Adorno’s philosophical assumptions – in particular the theses of music’s non-intentionality and of its non-similarity to language – that prevented him from convincingly theorizing musical performance, and suggests an alternative framework for future research.
Intersubjetividade e ontologia social nas revisões da teoria do reconhecimento de Axel Honneth
(2017)
O artigo sintetiza as revisões que Axel Honneth impôs a sua obra após a recepção crítica de Luta por reconhecimento (1992), propondo compreendê-las como passos intermediários em direção ao novo modelo crítico apresentado em O direito da liberdade (2011), chamado por Honneth de reconstrução normativa. O objetivo não é examinar as determinações de método da reconstrução normativa, mas percorrer o caminho intelectual de Honneth entre suas duas obras principais, explicitando as revisões e os novos pressupostos da obra “madura” do autor. Essas revisões, concentradas ao redor de uma compreensão considerada por Honneth como mais adequada da intersubjetividade e da ontologia social, escoram e justificam as decisões de método do último livro. Desde o início de sua elaboração teórica, Honneth teve de lidar com a objeção de cometer sistematicamente uma falácia naturalista ao buscar o fulcro de uma teoria crítica da sociedade na experiência concreta do sofrimento. Mesmo Luta por reconhecimento ainda esteve justificadamente sujeito à mesma crítica, como Honneth viria a admitir. Argumento que o objetivo das revisões levadas a cabo na década de 2000 foi sanar essa lacuna, encontrando, por um lado, um índice de racionalidade interno ao próprio ato de reconhecimento, e, por outro, um índice de racionalidade presente nas normas e práticas sociais sedimentadas historicamente por relações de reconhecimento.
Scholars are coming to terms with the fact that something is rotten in the new democracies of Central Europe. The corrosion has multiple symptoms: declining trust in democratic institutions, emboldened uncivil society, the rise of oligarchs and populists as political leaders, assaults on an independent judiciary, the colonization of public administration by political proxies, increased political control over media, civic apathy, nationalistic contestation and Russian meddling. These processes signal that the liberal-democratic project in the so-called Visegrad Four (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has been either stalled, diverted or reversed. This article investigates the “illiberal turn” in the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. It develops an analytical distinction between illiberal “turns” and “swerves”, with the former representing more permanent political changes, and offers evidence that Hungary is the only country in the V4 at the brink of a decisive illiberal turn.
The paper addresses the problem of justifying ethically sound dimensions of poverty or well-being for use in a multidimensional framework. We combine Sen’s capability approach and Rawls’ method of political constructivism and argue that the constitution and its interpretative practice can serve as an ethically suitable informational basis for selecting dimensions, under certain conditions. We illustrate our Constitutional Approach by deriving a set of well-being dimensions from an analysis of the Italian Constitution. We argue that this method is both an improvement on those used in the existing literature from the ethical point of view, and has a strong potential for providing the ethical basis of a conception of well-being for the public affairs of a pluralist society. In the final part, we elaborate on the implications for measuring well-being based on data, by ranking Italian regions in terms of well-being, and pointing out the differences in results produced by different methods.
The overall aim of my work is to contribute to a future theory of epistemic violence – thereby enabling us to gain a better understanding of the various forms of direct, physical violence which are usually analysed within peace studies, IR, political theory and related fields. My perspective starts from transdisciplinary peace studies, is concerned with the sociology of knowledge, and informed by post- and de-colonial theory as well as by feminist critique and political theory...
Rechtspopulistische Bewegungen machen sich zur Zeit in vielen westlichen Staaten zum Sprachrohr angeblich bisher unterdrückter Bevölkerungsgruppen und Meinungen. Die identitäre Bewegung entwickelt diesen Ansatz weiter zu einem Projekt der autoritären Staatlichkeit gegen Multikulturalismus, Islam und Einwanderung. Dabei verbindet sie ihre Kampagne für einen ethnisch geschlossen Nationalstaat mit der Kritik an der kapitalistischen Globalisierung. Mit einem Sprachduktus, der Politik emotionalisiert, wird durch «geistige Verschärfung» das Programm eines defensiven Ethnonationalismus entfaltet. Dieser beruft sich auf Traditionsbestandteile eines völkischen Antimodernismus und eine von dem russischen Philosophen Alexander Dugin entworfene eurasische Geopolitik.
Ein europäischer Keynesianismus als Grundlage für ein gesamteuropäisches Wirtschaftskonzept würde als offensive Gegenstrategie die Idee einer sozialstaatlichen Erneuerung propagieren können. Zudem sind Akteure aus der Zivilgesellschaft aufgefordert, gegen Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Orientierungsverlust aufklärerisch zu wirken.
The concept of the "comprehensive approach" has become a paradigm for international state engagement in the field of fostering sustainable peace in crisis-ridden countries. This approach stipulates joint actions of different governmental institutions. The ministry of defence, providing interventionist armed forces; the ministry of interior, providing police personal; the ministry of foreign affairs, providing crisis aid and the ministry of economic cooperation and development define the core actors on the highest level, whilst the implementation of this approach is left to the various, highly heterogeneous employees of the ministries and their sub-contractors...
Megaregional trade negotiations have become the subject of heated debate, above all in the context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In this article, I argue that the justice of the global order suffers from its institutional fragmentation into regime complexes. From a republican perspective, which aspires to non-domination as a guiding principles and idea of global justice, regime complexes raise specific and important challenges in that they open the door to specific forms of domination. I thereby challenge a more optimistic outlook in regime complexes, which paints a positive normative picture of regime complexes, arguing that they enable the enhancement of democracy beyond the state and, consequently, have the potential to reduce the democratic deficit in global governance. By drawing attention to how regime complexes reinforce domination-related injustice, this article contributes an original perspective on megaregionals and to exploring the implications of global justice as non-domination.
How do coalition governments affect the risk of civil war onset in ethnically divided societies? Existing research argues that power-sharing coalitions decrease the risk of civil war because they redress grievances. Building on a formal model of coalition formation, we predict that ethnic elites are most likely to form oversized rather than minimum-winning coalitions in anticipation of future challenges to the regime. Put differently, we expect most power-sharing to occur where the risk of regime-threatening civil war is highest...
Many theories of global distributive justice are based on the assumption that all humans hold common ownership of the earth. As the earth is finite and our actions interconnect, we need a system of justice that regulates the potential appropriation of the common earth to ensure fairness. According to these theories, imposing limits and distributive obligations on private and public property arrangements may be the best mechanism for governing common ownership. We present a critique of the assumption that this issue can be solved within the private–public property regime, arguing that the boundaries of this regime should not be taken for granted and that the growing literature on the democratic commons movement suggests how this can be accomplished. We consider that, if the earth is defined as a common, the private– public property paradigm must be open to questioning, and democratic commoners’ activities should be considered.
This paper reviews social network analysis (SNA) as a method to be utilized in biographical research which is a novel contribution. We argue that applying SNA in the context of biography research through standardized data collection as well as visualization of networks can open up participants’ interpretations of relations throughout their lives, and allow a creative and innovative way of data collection that is responsive to participants’ own meanings and associations while allowing the researchers to conduct systematical data analysis. The paper discusses the analytical potential of SNA in biographical research, where the efficacy of this method is critically discussed, together with its limitations, and its potential within the context of biographical research.
From reparations for slavery to international racial justice: a critical republican perspective
(2017)
This paper focuses on demands for reparations for colonial slavery and their public reception in France. It argues that this bottom-up, context-sensitive approach to theorising reparations enables us to formulate a critical republican theory of international racial justice. It contrasts the critical republican perspective on reparations with a nation-state centred approach in which reparations activists are accused of threatening the French republic’s sense of homogeneity and unity, thus undermining the national narrative on the French identity. It also rejects the liberal egalitarian perspective, which itself rejects reparations in favour of focusing on present disadvantages. In so doing, this paper illustrates how the notion of non-domination offers a superior way of conceptualising global racial injustices compared to more traditional distributive outlooks.
nvestor-state-dispute-settlement (ISDS) is an arbitration mechanism to settle disputes between foreign investors and host-states. Seemingly a technical issue in private international law, ISDS procedures have recently become a matter of public concern and the target of political resistance, due to the power they grant to foreign investors in matters of public policies in the countries they invest in. This article examines the practice of ISDS through the lenses of liberal-statist theories of international justice, which value self-determination. It argues that the investor-state arbitration system illustrates how liberal-statist theories of international distributive justice ought to care about relative socioeconomic disadvantage, contra the sufficiency principle that they typically defend. The sufficiency principle draws on a questionable conception of the freedom that self-determination consists in.
Die Berichterstattung über den Nahostkonflikt gehört seit Jahrzehnten zum Standardrepertoire der Nachrichten. Hierzulande hat fast jeder eine Meinung zum israelisch-arabischen Konflikt, doch wenige verstehen, um was es den Konfliktparteien eigentlich geht, was in bisherigen Verhandlungen erreicht worden ist und wo genau die Hürden für eine Konfliktregelung liegen. Dieses Buch liefert eine kompakte und zugleich anschauliche und detaillierte Analyse des Konflikts zwischen Israel und seinen arabischen Nachbarn. Dabei stehen die lokalen und regionalen Akteure im Mittelpunkt. Um die Konfliktdynamiken zu erklären, geht das Buch vor allem auf die konkurrierenden Interessen und Narrative der Konfliktparteien sowie ihre Wechselwirkungen ein.
What processes transform (im)mobile individuals into ‘migrants’ and geographic movements across political-territorial borders into ‘migration’? To address this question, the article develops the doing migration approach, which combines perspectives from social constructivism, praxeology and the sociologies of knowledge and culture. ‘Doing migration’ starts with the processes of social attribution that differentiate between ‘migrants’ and ‘non-migrants’. Embedded in institutional, organizational and interactional routines these attributions generate unique social orders of migration. By illustrating these conceptual ideas, the article provides insights into the elements of the contemporary European order of ‘migration’. Its institutional routines contribute to the emergence of a European migration regime that involves narratives of economization, securitization and humanitarization. The organizational routines of the European migration order involve surveillance and diversity management, which have disciplining effects on those defined as ‘migrants’. The routines of everyday face-to-face interactions produce various micro-forms of doing ‘migration’ through stigmatization and othering, but they also provide opportunities to resist a social attribution as ‘migrant’.
International mediation has traditionally been understood as an instrument aimed at getting political representatives to agree on a negotiated settlement. However, in cases where referendums were required for ratification, peace agreements have been rejected bythe people. This paper uncovers how mediators can help political leaders reach agreementsthat are supported by the people they represent by comparing the Annan Plan and Good Friday Agreement (GFA) mediations and referendums in Cyprus and Northern Ireland, respectively...
A política de identidade e o conceito de reconhecimento têm se transformado em questões dominantes da teoria política contemporânea. Como conceito, o reconhecimento significa que um indivíduo ou grupo social reivindica o direito a ter sua identidade reconhecida, de forma direta ou através da mediação de um conjunto de instituições. As teorias que tem problematizado estas questões abordam tanto temas teóricos importantes como questões políticas centrais do nosso tempo, como a definição de direitos das minorias, reivindicações de autodeterminação nacional ou os desafios colocados por nossas sociedades cada dia mais multiculturais. Dessa forma, o objetivo central do presente artigo é apresentar e discutir os argumentos centrais de Charles Taylor, Axel Honneth e Nancy Fraser que têm se transformando em essenciais para esta discussão, enfatizando o debate em torno da relação entre reconhecimento e redistribuição, e mais especificamente entre o problema da injustiça baseada na questão da identidade e o problema da injustiça econômica. Por último, tentaremos entender algumas das implicações teóricas e políticas do discurso da diferença e das teorias do reconhecimento dentro de uma perspectiva conceptual mais ampla.
Trata de uma investigação teórica que problematiza os contornos de uma pedagogia crítica na atualidade. Adota a perspectiva do filósofo Axel Honneth como fio condutor da análise, especificamente os textos em que ele discute as características contemporâneas de uma teoria adjetivada de crítica. Após descrever seu posicionamento, extrai alguns sentidos para o empreendimento crítico no âmbito de uma pedagogia da educação física.
Women’s protection has been largely discussed in conflict and gender scholarship and promoted as a key priority for governments, NGOs and international community. However, when critically analysed, the meaning of protection in conflict settings and the understanding of who should provide protection in emergencies, conflict and complex humanitarian crisis remain ambiguous. In long-term conflict settings for example, it is unclear whose role it is to protect civilians...
Este trabalho pretende fazer uma síntese da inserção de Axel Honneth no quadro das teorias da justiça. Para isso, se apresenta o debate entre comunitaristas e liberais, juntamente ao procedimentalismo contemporâneo, e as críticas de Honneth a essas posições. Assim o trabalho apresenta o esboço teórico de justiça como reconhecimento em Honneth, realizado com base no conceito de eticidade formal e no método da reconstrução normativa.
Теорія напівосвіти Адорно була вперше представлена як доповідь на З’їзді німецьких соціологів (1959). В ній розглядаються тенденції, що відбуваються у сучасній освіті і обумовлюють її кризу, яка загострюється у соціокультурних контекстах пізнього капіталізму. Теорія напівосвіти переосмислює і актуалізує концептуалізації освіти та культури у німецькій класичній філософії, марксизмі і фройдизмі, розкриваючи діалектику просвітництва через діагностику спотворень і деформацій освіти в опціях відчуженого духа, що криє у собі небезпеку ліквідації культури, яка перетворюється на масову, і руйнації людського буття через інструменталізацію свідомості та примусову адаптацію. Напівосвіта паразитує на ідеї освіти, яка є внутрішньо суперечливою через поєднання настанов на автономію та адаптацію. Подолання цієї суперечності можливе через негативну діалектику, яка комплементарно поєднує критику суспільства і критику освіти, відкриваючи для них нові горизонти
The paper introduces the socio-anthropological concept of international representations to examine the relationship between a civilizational rhetoric, the West European and the international politics of otherization and containment of Southeast Europe, and an essentialist and timeless bias in international relations theory, including both radical and constructivist trends...
This year’s conference of the AFK (German Association for Peace and Conflict Studies) and the European Peace Research Association (EuPRA) is on "Peace and Conflict Studies from the Margins to the Centre; Rethinking Europe in an Unequal World" (16 – 18 March 2017 in Schwerte (nearby Dortmund), Germany).
The virtual realm of the internet is often seen as an egalitarian world where differences such as those between young and established researchers do not seem so significant. While we do not fully agree with this thesis, we want to use this blog to make a model attempt at providing a platform in which those participating in the conference and others can enter discussion with young students, established researchers, and peace activists.
To make this possible, we started a project in cooperation with the Bretterblog – a young team of researchers who established this blog some years ago. Here we will discuss the topics of the conference and will inform a broader audience about the newest results in peace and conflict research from different countries.
Ein Jahr intensiver Vorbereitungen liegt nun hinter uns. Richtig, ein Jahr Vorbereitung für eine einwöchige Konferenz! Doch auch dieses Jahr hat sich wieder gezeigt wie wichtig diese intensive Vorbereitung ist: Die Studierenden haben sich vertiefte Kenntnisse über die Vereinten Nationen und die zu vertretenden Länder Israel und Frankreich angeeignet und neue Kompetenzen erworben. ...
National Model United Nations New York 2018 : Delegation der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
(2017)
Seit ihrer Gründung im Jahr 1945 sind die Vereinten Nationen zur bedeutendsten und einflussreichsten internationalen Organisation avanciert. Mittlerweile arbeiten 193 Mitgliedsstaaten gemeinsam an dem ehrgeizigen Ziel, den Weltfrieden und die internationale Sicherheit zu wahren. Der in der Charta der Vereinten Nationen verankerte Grundsatz des Verzichts auf Gewaltanwendung und der friedlichen Beilegung aller Streitigkeiten macht sie zu einer weltweit einzigartigen Institution.
Die Beschäftigung mit den Vereinten Nationen ist für Studierende der Gesellschaftswissenschaften – insbesondere der Politikwissenschaft – essentiell für den späteren Berufsalltag. Da der Fokus im wissenschaftlichen Universitätsbetrieb häufig auf der Diskussion theoretischer Paradigmen und eher selten auf praktischen Fragestellungen liegt, ist die Teilnahme am National Model United Nations (NMUN) in New York eine willkommene Abwechslung mit einzigartigem Charakter. Innerhalb einer Simulation von UN-Verhandlungen versetzen sich Studierende als Mitglieder einer Delegation in die Lage von Diplomaten und vertreten die Interessen, Werte und Positionen des ihnen zugeteilten Landes. Dabei versuchen sie, dessen Standpunkte in Kooperation mit anderen Delegationen durchzusetzen. ...