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A pergunta que move o presente artigo é: como a categoria trabalho social deveria ser incluída no marco de uma teoria social para que, dentro dela, abra uma perspectiva de melhoria qualitativa que não seja utópica? Para dar conta desse problema complexo, o autor sugere num primeiro passo, mais metodológico, o emprego da distinção entre crítica externa e imanente para o propósito de uma crítica das relações de trabalho existentes. Num segundo passo, o autor procura mostrar que o trabalho social só poderá assumir legitimamente este papel de uma norma imanente se ele for conectado às condições de reconhecimento na moderna troca de realizações (Leistungen). São reconstruídas duas condições a partir de Hegel e de Durkheim: uma organização justa do trabalho social necessita remunerar suficientemente o trabalhador para prover-lhe condições socialmente dignas de sobrevivência e precisa estar estruturado de modo a que suas tarefas permitam ao indivíduo trabalhador perceber nelas uma contribuição para a coletividade e relacioná-la com o restante dos trabalhos socialmente necessários.
O texto discute a relação entre a educação e a organização democrática do governo republicano. Para o autor, pelo menos desde Kant os teóricos clássicos da filosofia política estavam convencidos de que uma boa educação e uma ordem estatal republicana dependem uma da outra: formar cidadãos para a liberdade para que, como cidadãos autônomos institucionalizem uma educação pública que possibilite a seus filhos o caminho para a maioridade política. Mas ele constata hoje um divórcio entre as gêmeas teorias da democracia e da educação. Razões que podem ter levado a essa cisão ele localiza na combinação, por afinidades eletivas, entre uma concepção truncada de democracia, que dependeria de comunidades tradicionais e mesmo religiosas para reproduzir suas bases ético-culturais, e uma falsa concepção normativa de neutralidade do estado, que culmina concebendo os professores não mais como servidores públicos a serviço do estado democrático de direito, mas como servidores dos pais. Em contraposição ao desacoplamento entre a formação do cidadão autônomo e do governo autônomo dos cidadãos, entre pedagogia e teoria política, ele reconstrói, a partir dos clássicos da teoria social, a concepção sobre um nexo fundamental entre educação e liberdade política, entre formação e democracia. Longe de advogar por uma volta à escola tradicional, o autor chama a atenção para dois grandes desafios que juntas, pedagogia e teoria democrática precisam enfrentar: o impacto da revolução digital sobre a esfera pública e a crescente heterogeneidade cultural dos cidadãos, em especial nas democracias ocidentais, para que a educação torne a ser o lugar do aprendizado da cultura democrática.
O texto responde a críticas feitas ao pequeno livro publicado sob o título Reitifiação no qual o autor pretendia recuperar na herança da teoria de Marx o conceito reificação á luz da teoria do reconhecimento. O texto primeiro busca precisar o marco de referência dentro do qual foi feita originalmente a tentativa de recuperar o conceito reificação, enfatizando sua interpretação literal. Em seguida, o texto trata de problemas específicos que resultam da sugestão de entender reificação como uma forma de esquecimento do reconhecimento. Tomando como premissa que o próximo (Mitmensch) é reconhecido pré-cognitivamente, o autor defende que a rotinização e habitualização de práticas sociais com objetivos desumanizantes automatizados pode levar ao esquecimento do reconhecimento original da outra pessoa
Em alguns de seus trabalhos Talcott Parsons descreveu o estabelecimento das sociedades modernas como um processo de diferenciação de diversas esferas de reconhecimento recíproco. Neste texto eu uso a teoria social do reconhecimento de Parsons para examinar características de conflitos sociais recentes. Começo expondo a descrição que Parsons fez das lutas por reconhecimento ocorridas nas sociedades altamente industrializadas de sua época. Depois tomo a concepção de Parsons sobre conflitos por reconhecimento normativamente orientados para indicar tendências que levaram a uma gradual erosão das estruturas de pacificação social postuladas por Parsons nas últimas décadas do século 20. Descrevo as consequências iniciais dessa desintegração como uma “barbarização” dos conflitos sociais. Por barbarizado entendo um estágio da sociedade em que as lutas por reconhecimento social escalaram e se tornaram anômicas, uma vez que não podem mais ser resolvidas nas esferas sistêmicas estabelecidas de negociação. Este texto revela a importância do conceito de reconhecimento para a teoria social ao acompanhar Parsons na análise de transformações estruturais que atualmente emergem em resposta a conflitos sociais. Resumo do editor.
Embora a ideia de “patologias sociais” ou “enfermidades” de uma sociedade inteira tenha sido bastante comum desde o Segundo Discurso de Rousseau, e especialmente proeminente dentro da tradição da teoria crítica, não está claro a quem exatamente se referea proposição de ter adoecido. Será apenas um número suficiente de pessoas individuais, será o coletivo entendido como um macro-sujeito, ou é a “sociedade” em si que foi acometida por uma desorganização específica de suas instituições sociais, afetando sua eficiência funcional de tal forma que se pode falar de uma “doença” especificamente social? Para todas as três atribuições, ou seja, as pessoas individualmente com suas doenças, a coletividade com a sua síndrome clínica particular, ou a própria sociedade como adoecida, podem ser encontrados casos na literatura correspondente. A fim de encontrar uma saída para essas perplexidades conceituais que estão no cerne dessa maneira de falar, abordo as propostas teóricas de Alexander Mitscherlich e Sigmund Freud, ambos defensores de um conceito específico de “patologias sociais” ou “enfermidades” baseado em ideias psicanalíticas. O resultado da minha reconstrução crítica será que somente uma compreensão da sociedade como uma entidade orgânica permite um uso não redutor da ideia de “patologias sociais”.
Sobre la libertad política
(1998)
Este artículo presenta un argumento en favor de un concepción intersubjetivista de la libertad política constituida por cinco diferentes nociones de autonomía: moral, ética, legal, política y social. Más allá de las nociones estrictamente liberales o comunitarias, negativas o positivas, el concepto de libertad política incluye todas aquellas libertades que los ciudadanos, en tanto continentes y usuarios autónomos de la libertad, pueden conceder y garantizar de forma recíproca y general. Así, en la base de este concepto reposa un principio de justiticación moral y política.
This article elucidates the spatial order that underpins the politics of the Anthropocene – the ecological nomos of the earth – and criticizes its imperial origins and legacies. It provides a critical reading of Carl Schmitt’s spatial thought to not only illuminate the spatio-political ontology but also the violence and usurpations that characterize the Anthropocene condition. The article first shows how with the emergence of the ecological nomos seemingly ‘natural’ spaces like the biosphere and the atmosphere became politically charged. This challenges the modernist separation between natural facts and political norms. It then underlines the imperial origins of this nomos by introducing the concept of air-appropriation understood as the colonization of atmospheric space by CO2 emissions. Instead of assuming that the ecological nomos represents a transition from a colonial to an ecological and cosmopolitan world order, focusing on air-appropriation highlights forms of ecological imperialism that go along with the new nomos. Accordingly, the article calls for a just redistribution of ecospace that takes into account the imperial legacies and ongoing effects of air-appropriation.
For the first time in post-Communist Romania, the national legislative elections organized in December 2016 allow the citizens living abroad to cast their vote by regular mail. To use postal voting the voters had to register between May and September 2016 and numbers reveal that very few voters registered. This article analyzes the sources of information used by those who registered and the causes of those who did not register. We use data from a survey conducted between 18 September (a few days after registration was closed) and 4 October 2016 with 403 respondents. The results are not generalizable to the entire diaspora (since the sampling is not representative probabilistic) but they are informative and relevant to the understanding of the process. They show that that main sources of information for those who registered were online (Facebook and the website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs), newspapers, and friends and acquaintances. At the same time, the absence of information about registration and the difficulty of procedures were the main reasons against the registration.
The extensive scholarship devoted to the congruence of mass-elite policy preferences lacks consensus about the meaning, comparison, and measurement across political settings. This makes comparisons difficult and raises obstacles to advancing the debates. This symposium aims to identify the diversity of methodological choices and to reflect systematically on several key choices of particular importance in understanding the congruence. The contributions to the symposium compare and contrast how several types of measurement fare in diverse political contexts in Eastern Europe, Latin America, North Africa, and East Asia, and what we can learn from those methodological choices.
As a network researcher, sociologist Professor Christian Stegbauer also deals with communication in social media. That people prefer to stay in a bubble with like-minded others rather than get to grips with different opinions and ways of thinking was in his view inherent to digital communication from the outset. He considers many of the utopian ideas of a digital culture of participation to be exaggerated.
Interview mit dem Soziologen Christian Stegbauer: Der Soziologe Prof. Christian Stegbauer beschäftigt sich als Netzwerkforscher auch mit Kommunikation in Social Media. Dass sich Menschen lieber in einer Blase gleichdenkender Akteure aufhalten, anstatt sich mit anderen Meinungen und Denkformen zu beschäftigen, war seiner Ansicht nach der digitalen Kommunikation von Anfang an inhärent. Viele der utopischen Vorstellungen von einer digitalen Partizipationskultur hält er für übertrieben.
This article uses survey data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP) to analyze the persistence of educational attainment across three generations in Germany. I obtain evidence of a robust effect of grandparents’ education on respondents’ own educational attainment in West Germany, net of parental class, education, occupational status, family income, parents’ relationship history, and family size. I also test whether the grandparent effect results from resource compensation or cumulative advantage and find empirical support for both mechanisms. In comparison, the intergenerational association between grandparents’ and respondents’ education is considerably weaker in East Germany and is also mediated completely by parental education. There are hardly any gender differences in the role of grandparents for respondents’ educational attainment, except for the fact that resource compensation is found to be exclusively relevant for women’s attainment in both West Germany and in East Germany after German reunification and the associated transition to an open educational system.
As women's labor-force participation and earnings have grown, so has the likelihood that wives outearn their husbands. A common concern is that these couples may be at heightened risk of divorce. Yet with the rise of egalitarian marriage, wives' relative earnings may be more weakly associated with divorce than in the past. We examine trends in the association between wives' relative earnings and marital dissolution using data from the 1968–2009 Panel Study of Income Dynamics. We find that wives' relative earnings were positively associated with the risk of divorce among couples married in the late 1960s and 1970s, and that this was especially true for wives who outearned their husbands, but this was no longer the case for couples married in the 1990s. Change was concentrated among middle-earning husbands and those without college degrees, a finding consistent with the economic squeeze of the middle class over this period.
Una historia filosófica de la identidad estadounidense: Balance de propuestas y su crisis actual
(2018)
Este trabajo de síntesis crítica, realiza un balance de los principales aportes de pensamiento que han favorecido la configuración de la identidad estadounidense y su reformulación periódica. Se sistematizan las escuelas, según su transición de teólogos-políticos (como los puritanos, carismáticos y trascendentalistas, con aportes tipo pactismo bíblico, libre albedrío, caridad pietista, destino manifiesto, etc.), pasando por filósofos pragmáticos (como los constituyentes, democratizadores y reconstructores, con recursos como libre-pensamiento -free masonry & whigs-, federalismo, pragmatismo, etc.), hasta académicos socio culturales (sobre todo, de Estudios culturales, vía nociones de consenso, v.g. fronterismo, excepcionalismo y crisol cultural; así como artificios de hecho diferencial –a raíz de la fuga de cerebros de la Escuela de Frankfurt, Normale Annales, Birmingham, etc.-, con categorías de clase, status y conflicto social, metámeros etnoculturales, constructos de género, etc.). El estudio llega hasta la crisis actual, sin soluciones generalmente aceptadas y bajo la amenaza transoccidental.
One striking observation in Parkinson’s disease (PD) is the remarkable gender difference in incidence and prevalence of the disease. Data on gender differences with regard to disease onset, motor and non-motor symptoms, and dopaminergic medication are limited. Furthermore, whether estrogen status affects disease onset and progression of PD is controversially discussed. In this retrospective single center study, we extracted clinical data of 226 ambulatory PD patients and compared age of disease onset, disease stage, motor impairment, non-motor symptoms, and dopaminergic medication between genders. We applied a matched-pairs design to adjust for age and disease duration. To determine the effect of estrogen-related reproductive factors including number of children, age at menarche, and menopause on the age of onset, we applied a standardized questionnaire and performed a regression analysis. The male to female ratio in the present PD cohort was 1.9:1 (147 men vs. 79 women). Male patients showed increased motor impairment than female patients. The levodopa equivalent daily dose was increased by 18.9% in male patients compared to female patients. Matched-pairs analysis confirmed the increased dose of dopaminergic medication in male patients. No differences were observed in age of onset, type of medication, and non-motor symptoms between both groups. Female reproductive factors including number of children, age at menarche, and age at menopause were positively associated with a delay of disease onset up to 30 months. The disease-modifying role of estrogen-related outcome measures warrants further clinical and experimental studies targeting gender differences, specifically hormone-dependent pathways in PD.
The paper broaches the issue of unfair trading practices (UTPs) at the expense of, economically spoken, weaker actors among the food supply chain in context of the EU. For illustrating the concept of UTPs and delivering a theoretical basis for scrutinizing the term of fairness in respective trading practices the paper suggests the three variables 1) bargaining power, 2) market power/anti competitive practices and 3) unequal gain distribution. Subsequently the article presents selected national food-specific legislative based reactions towards UTPs evolved in context of the three variables. Ultimately the paper presents a qualitatively generated hypothesis which presumes that legislative food-specific measurements focussing on protecting suppliers lead to a beneficial monetary share for farmers, by means of influencing the producer price to a monetarily advantageous extent. The hypothesis was generated unprejudiced in the run-up to the paper. The research design which led to the hypothesis mentioned will be presented.
This paper analyses economic power, state power and ideological power in the age of Donald Trump with the help of critical theory. It applies the critical theory approaches of thinkers such as Franz Neumann, Theodor W. Adorno and Erich Fromm. It analyses changes of US capitalism that have together with political anxiety and demagoguery brought about the rise of Donald Trump. This article draws attention to the importance of state theory for understanding Trump and the changes of politics that his rule may bring about. It is in this context important to see the complexity of the state, including the dynamic relationship between the state and the economy, the state and citizens, intra-state relations, inter-state relations, semiotic representations of and by the state, and ideology. Trumpism and its potential impacts are theorised along these dimensions. The ideology of Trump (Trumpology) has played an important role not just in his business and brand strategies, but also in his political rise. The (pseudo-)critical mainstream media have helped making Trump and Trumpology by providing platforms for populist spectacles that sell as news and attract audiences. By Trump making news in the media, the media make Trump. An empirical analysis of Trump’s rhetoric and the elimination discourses in his NBC show The Apprentice underpins the analysis of Trumpology. The combination of Trump’s actual power and Trump as spectacle, showman and brand makes his government’s concrete policies fairly unpredictable. An important question that arises is what social scientists’ role should be in the conjuncture that the world is experiencing.
Let me start with a reminiscence: a few weeks ago, I was sitting in one of my preferred cafés in Paris, le Café Odéon- Théâtre de l’Europe, a vivid place near the Jardin de Luxembourg in the heart of the university quarter. I realised that the waiter was wearing a shirt with the letters "Defend Paris", which he explained to be a statement against the forces that make Paris an uneasy place to live, a defiance against the powerful and social injustice. With a mixture of rebellion and idealism, he added that he understands himself as part of a "Reclaim Your City" Movement, thus representing what is central for urban citizenship today: a republican defence against forces that make a metropolitan city a trademark to be sold to people who can afford it, but increasingly less a home for ordinary people who want to live in the city. Walking through the streets, passing a small jewelry shop, a place of distinguished understatement showing a picture of Meghan Markle wearing "rose"-earrings displayed in the window, the term "zombie urbanism" came to my mind – a term used by Jonny Aspen, professor at the Institute of Urbanism and Landscape in Oslo (See Bjerkeset and Aspen (forthcoming 2020) and here), to describe a cliché-like way of dealing with urban environment by developers and designers – a "staged urbanism", in which urban features are used as a means for selling, marketing and branding. This kind of city-marketing can prove quite successful: whereas the burning of Notre Dame mobilised hundreds of millions of donations within a short period of time, the burning of the National Museum in Rio de Janeiro soon after, extinguishing 200 years of documentation of cultural memory, mobilised only 225.000 Euros (state 1.4.2019). ...
Während sich staatliche Sicherheitspolitik fortwährend verändert, scheint die Kritik an ihr verhältnismäßig unflexibel. Vielmehr wird der ständige Prozess der Ausdifferenzierung und Transformation der staatlichen Sicherheitsapparate von ihren Kritiker_innen seit Jahrzehnten so vehement mit Warnungen vor der Herausbildung eines totalitären Überwachungsstaates begleitet, dass diese zunehmend zu Unkenrufen verkommen. Mit dem Begriff des Sicherheitsregimes wird im Folgenden gegen einen Alarmismus argumentiert, der sich in Hinweisen auf die ständige Eskalation von Sicherheitspolitiken und eine damit einhergehende Beschneidung der Freiheit von Bürger_innen, Prekarisierten, Exkludierten oder sozialen Bewegungen erschöpft. Denn eine Kritik, die bei Skandalisierungen verbleibt, ist einerseits blind für qualitative Veränderungen. Andererseits schreibt sie selbst tradierte Herrschaftsverhältnisse fest, indem sie Vergangenes romantisiert und so an der Erzählung von der grundsätzlichen Alternativlosigkeit einer herrschaftsförmig organisierten Gesellschaft mitwirkt.
Dagegen wird eine materialistische Analyseperspektive eingenommen, die die Transformationen von Politiken der Sicherheit im Kontext der historischen Entwicklung der kapitalistischen Produktionsweise begreift. Anhand von Fallbeispielen zum Polizieren der Felder häusliche Gewalt und gewaltaffine Fußballfans in Frankfurt am Main wird die neoliberale Konzeption des umfassenden Zusammenwirkens öffentlicher, privatwirtschaftlicher und zivilgesellschaftlicher Akteure empirisch skizziert und das sich ausdifferenzierende Akteursfeld in diesem Bereich dargestellt. So können auch soziale Konfliktlinien identifiziert werden, die über die herkömmliche Gegenüberstellung von Freiheit und Sicherheit hinausweisen.
Este artigo elucida, em primeiro lugar, os vários significados da noção francesa de dispositif e contrasta-a com os usos de "aparelho" ("appareil"), por um lado, e "reunião" ("agencement"), por outro. A segunda parte apresenta o uso distintivo de Foucault do conceito de dispositivo. O argumento baseia-se na tese de que a noção de dispositivo de Foucault está firmemente ancorada em uma analítica do governo, na medida em que se concentra na direção e regulação de forças agenciais e processos vitais. Na última parte, proponho combinar uma analítica do governo, seguindo Foucault, com insights dos Estudos de Ciência e Tecnologia (STS). Argumento que essa síntese teórica entre STS e uma analítica do governo ajuda a corrigir os problemas de muitas análises da sociologia política e da teoria social e política ao enfrentar as transformações e mudanças nas sociedades contemporâneas.
Considering migration to be a gendered experience, in this article, I focus on the gender-specific processes of cultural production and tradition-building in the context of migration and pose the following questions: What happens to gendered biographies in a migration context? What role does gender play with respect to the rupture, renewal, or building of traditions in migration processes? Drawing on the basic assumption that "gender fundamentally organizes the social relations and structures," which in turn shapes the processes of migration (cf. Curran, 2006, 199), I make use of the concept of gender defined as an accomplishment, as a performance in daily interaction practices:
When we view gender as an accomplishment, an achieved property of situated conduct, our attention shifts from matters internal to the individual, and focuses on interactional and, ultimately, institutional arenas. (West et al., 1987, 126)
Questo saggio descrive il progetto ambizioso del costituzionalismo moderno e lo distingue dalla mera giuridicizzazione del potere pubblico. Esso mostra le sfide del costituzionalismo derivanti dalla perdita di identità del potere statale e del potere pubblico. Il saggio afferma la persistenza della necessità di regolare il potere pubblico, indipendentemente dal fatto che sia esercitato dalle autorità statali o da organizzazioni internazionali. Tuttavia, esso solleva dubbi sul fatto che il potere pubblico frammentato a livello internazionale possa essere regolato in modo tale da soddisfare le richieste del costituzionalismo. È in corso una giuridicizzazione che manca delle caratteristiche fondamentali del costituzionalismo. Come realizzare una compensazione in questo senso resta una domanda aperta.
Demographic change is supposed to be the most important indirect driver for changing biodiversity. In this article, a systematic review of 148 studies was conducted to examine the scientific evidence for this relationship and to identify potential gaps in research. We explored the spatial distribution of studies, the categories addressed with respect to biodiversity and demographic change, and the ways in which their relationships were conceptualised (spatially and temporally) and valued. The majority of studies were carried out in Africa, Europe and North America. Our analysis confirms the trend that demographic phenomena were mostly found to negatively influence biodiversity. However, a considerable number of studies also point towards impacts that were context dependent, either positive or negative under certain circumstances. In addition to that we identified significant gaps in research. In particular, there is a lack of addressing (1) other demographic aspects such as population decline, age structure or gender differences, (2) spatial variability of, e.g. human population growth, (3) long-term effects of demographic processes, and (4) the context dependency (e.g. regulations/law enforcement, type of human activities, and choice of scale or proxy). We conclude there is evidence that the relationship between biodiversity and demographic change is much more complex than expected and so far represented in research. Thus, we call for a social–ecological biodiversity research that particularly focusses on the functional relation between biodiversity and human activities, namely the different types, context, and interdependent dynamics (spatial and temporal) of this complex relation.
La distinzione fra apollineo e dionisiaco è ritornata di moda grazie a Friedrich Nietzsche, che se ne è servito nella sua famosa opera La nascita della tragedia dallo spirito della musica. Questo scritto, tuttavia, non persegue affatto l’intento di contribuire a comprendere questi concetti, ma si serve di questa distinzione per spiegare due aspetti di colonialismo d’insediamento in forma di stato, con particolare riferimento all’esempio dell’Africa Sud Occidentale e della sua capitale Windhoek. Come è noto, Apollo veniva considerato il Dio del sole e della ragione, mentre Dionisio era visto come il Dio dell’ebbrezza e dell’estasi. Nel presente contesto, l’apollineo rappresenta il sogno utopico di potere di stato coloniale, comportante il diritto assoluto all’uso della forza, a giudicare, a proteggere ed a praticare una politica attentamente pianificata, mentre il dionisiaco rappresenta, grosso modo, la mentalità pionieristica dei coloni e le loro tendenze anomiche, derivanti alla fin fine dall’illegittimità incontrastata dell’intero progetto coloniale. Nello stesso tempo questo scritto si avvale di un altro contrasto: giorno e notte. È usato in senso metaforico – ma non esclusivamente. E mentre il primo rispecchia “il regno della luce”, basato sul potere dello stato e su una vita pubblica che evidenzia le caratteristiche di società civile, la seconda rappresenta la fase del giorno in cui la notte scende ed il controllo da parte dello stato viene a cessare del tutto, mentre la «vita coloniale sotterranea» si risveglia.
There has been a burgeoning interest in the sociology of the Frankfurt School as well as the oeuvre of Theodor W. Adorno since the 2016 presidential campaign of Donald J. Trump. The objectives of this study are to both illustrate the enduring importance of Adorno and to provide an important theoretical outline in making sense of Trump’s 2016 United States presidential campaign. Using Adorno’s understudied textual analysis of the radio addresses of Martin Luther Thomas and data from Trump’s 2016 US presidential campaign, we find that Trump’s own discourse can be condensed into three of Adorno’s rhetorical devices: (1) the lone wolf device or anti-statism/pseudo-conservatism, reflecting his criticism of "special interests" and his appraisal of business and (self-)finance; (2) the movement device, which amounted to glorification of action; and (3) the exactitude of error device which amounted to xenophobic, ethnonationalist hyperbole.
Soziale Ökologie als Wissenschaft von den gesellschaftlichen Naturverhältnissen hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren als ein neues transdisziplinäres Wissenschaftsgebiet in außeruniversitären Forschungsbereichen und mehr und mehr auch im akademischen Feld etabliert. Der strukturelle Wandel der Hochschulen eröffnet neue Chancen für die Soziale Ökologie, auch in der Lehre einen festen Platz zu erhalten. Der Beitrag reflektiert anhand des neuen Masterstudiengangs Umweltwissenschaften an der Frankfurter Goethe-Universität und anhand von umweltwissenschaftlichen Lehrveranstaltungen an der TU Darmstadt die Anforderungen an die Lehre einer transdisziplinären Wissenschaft. Verdeutlicht wird dies am Problem der Integration unterschiedlicher Problemsichten, Fachkulturen und Wissensbestände.
In diesem Beitrag befasse ich mich mit ethischen Herausforderungen der Biografieforschung am Beispiel eigener Erfahrungen im Rahmen einer Studie im Feld der politischen Partizipation. Im ersten Teil diskutiere ich grundsätzliche ethische Fragen der Biografieforschung, die mit der Erhebung und Auswertung von biografisch-narrativen Interviews einhergehen. Im zweiten Teil des Beitrages werden exemplarisch forschungsethische Aspekte und Probleme skizziert, die im Verlauf der Feldforschung aufgetreten sind und die Prämissen einer rekonstruktiv vorgehenden Biografieforschung herausfordern. Dazu gehören die informierte Einwilligung als dialogischer Prozess sowie die Anonymisierung und Rückmeldung von biografischen Daten in einem hochsensiblen Feld. Abschließend gehe ich der Frage nach, welche Möglichkeiten und Grenzen das Format der Forschungswerkstatt für die Reflexion von ethischen Fragen in der Biografieforschung bietet.
The article presents an analysis of the development of labour market risks in Germany in light of changing working poverty risks. Low hourly wages and part-time employment are identified as the main demand-side-related mechanisms for household poverty. Their measurement and development are discussed as well as their contribution to trends in working poverty risks. A rise in low wages, especially among part-time employed households, was decisive for the increase in working poverty risks in Germany by 45% between the end of the 1990s and the end of the 2000s. We therefore study these trends more closely in the multivariate analysis. The results show that while low wages are unequally distributed across occupations and industries, shifts in employment between sectors explain only a minor part of the change in low wages. However, they reveal a polarization of low-wage risks by skill-level and sector of employment, on the one hand, and full-time and part-time employees, on the other hand.
Populism is widely thought to be in tension with liberal democracy. This article clarifies what exactly is problematic about populism from a liberal–democratic point of view and goes on to develop normative standards that allow us to distinguish between more and less legitimate forms of populism. The point of this exercise is not to dismiss populism in toto; the article strives for a more subtle result, namely, to show that liberal democracy can accommodate populism provided that the latter conforms to particular discursive norms. What the article calls a ‘liberal ethics of populism’ turns out to be closely bound up with a broader ethics of peoplehood, understood as a way of articulating who ‘the people’ are in a way that is compatible with liberal–democratic principles of political justification. Such an ethics, concludes the article, inevitably has a much wider audience than populist political actors: its addressees are all those who seek legitimately to exercise power in the name of the people.
Do economic fluctuations change the labour market attachment of mothers? How is the reentry process into the labour market after childbirth dependent on the country context women live in? Are these processes affected by occupational status? We address these questions using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth and the German Life History Study. Event history analyses demonstrate that in Germany and the United States, mothers who work in high occupational status jobs before birth return more quickly to their jobs and are less likely to interrupt their careers. During legally protected leave periods, mothers return at higher rates, exemplifying that family leaves strengthen mothers’ labour force attachment. Economic fluctuations mediate this latter finding, with different consequences in each country. In the United States, mothers tend to return to their jobs faster when unemployment is high. In Germany, mothers on family leave tend to return to their jobs later when unemployment is high. The cross-national comparison shows how similar market forces create distinct responses in balancing work and care.
The authors argue, in line with recent research, that operationalizing gender ideology as a unidimensional construct ranging from traditional to egalitarian is problematic and propose an alternative framework that takes the multidimensionality of gender ideologies into account. Using latent class analysis, they operationalize their gender ideology framework based on data from the 2008 European Values Study, of which eight European countries reflecting the spectrum of current work–family policies were selected. The authors examine the form in which gender ideologies cluster in the various countries. Five ideology profiles were identified: egalitarian, egalitarian essentialism, intensive parenting, moderate traditional, and traditional. The five ideology profiles were found in all countries, but with pronounced variation in size. Ideologies mixing gender essentialist and egalitarian views appear to have replaced traditional ideologies, even in countries offering some institutional support for gendered separate spheres.
Advances in information and communication technologies enable more decentralized and individualized mechanisms for coordination and for managing societal complexity. This has important consequences for the role of conditionality and the idea of individual responsibility in two seemingly unrelated policy areas. First, the changing information infrastructure enables an extension of conditionality in the area of welfare through greater activation, enhanced self-management, and a personalization of risks. Second, conditionality and personal responsibility also form an important ideational template and a legitimatory basis for facilitating value creation that is based on data as a raw material. This argument is illustrated looking at the trajectories of the digital strategies in the United Kingdom and Germany. In both cases, data protection is depicted as a question of individual responsibility and tied to certain forms of individual conduct.
Ausländische Pflegekräfte in deutschen Privathaushalten : ein Interview mit Prof. Dr. Helma Lutz
(2015)
Helma Lutz ist Professorin am Fachbereich Gesellschaftswissenschaften der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main. Seit 15 Jahren beschäftigt sie sich in ihrer Forschung mit "neuen Dienstmädchen" – Migrantinnen, die Haus-, Erziehungs- und Versorgungsarbeit ("Care-Arbeit") in deutschen Haushalten verrichten. Die Redaktion von focus Migration hat sie zu diesem Thema befragt.
Pluralization strategies of monolingual German children aged 3-6, median 4;2 (N = 810), and adults aged 18-96, median 24;0 (N = 582), were compared on the basis of eight nonce nouns from the language test SETK 3-5. Differences between younger and older Germans resembled previously described differences between German and immigrant pre-schoolers for most aspects, e.g., use of fewer plural allomorphs (types), more errors in umlauting, and more avoidance strategies in the linguistically weaker groups. However, both German children and adults demonstrated the same universal frequency- and phonology-based pluralization patterns. Surprisingly, ungrammatical plural forms were equally frequent in both children’s and adults' answers.
Rule is commonly conceptualized with reference to the compliance it invokes. In this article, we propose a conception of rule via the practice of resistance instead. In contrast to liberal approaches, we stress the possibility of illegitimate rule, and, as opposed to critical approaches, the possibility of legitimate authority. In the international realm, forms of rule and the changes they undergo can thus be reconstructed in terms of the resistance they provoke. To this end, we distinguish between two types of resistance—opposition and dissidence—in order to demonstrate how resistance and rule imply each other. We draw on two case studies of resistance in and to international institutions to illustrate the relationship between rule and resistance and close with a discussion of the normative implications of such a conceptualization.
Die zunehmende Nutzung von Online-Kommunikationskanälen vereinfacht nicht nur den alltäglichen, zwischenmenschlichen Austausch, sondern eröffnet auch der erziehungswissenschaftlichen Forschung neue Möglichkeiten. Gleichzeitig stehen Chancen wie der Reichweitenerhöhung von Forschungsaktivitäten auch Herausforderungen bspw. im Bereich der Validität gegenüber. Vor diesem Hintergrund geht der Beitrag der Frage nach, ob sich diese Nachteile durch die methodologisch fundierte Kombination von Offline- und Online-Umgebungen kompensieren lassen. Anhand eines Forschungsszenarios werden drei verschiedene Designs konzipiert, die auf genau diese Herausforderung eingehen. Dazu wird eine Mixed Methods Perspektive eingenommen, um verschiedene Möglichkeiten aufzuzeigen, die einzelne Schwächen der Methoden adäquat ausgleichen oder sogar Synergieeffekte erzielen.
Das "Office for Strategic Studies" (OSS) wurde erst 1942, ein Jahr nach Kriegseintritt der USA geschaffen, es war ein Vorläufer des CIA. Seine Aufgaben bestanden nicht allein in der Beschaffung von Informationen über den Zustand der feindlichen Streitkräfte in Europa und Asien, sondern unter anderem auch in der Entwicklung von Möglichkeiten und Vorstellungen für die – nach erfolgreicher Beendigung der Kämpfe – einsetzende Aufbauarbeit in den zu besetzenden Ländern. Dieser Aufgabe diente auch die Beauftragung Carl Zuckmayers mit einem informativen Bericht über die politische und moralische Zuverlässigkeit, oder wenigstens "Brauchbarkeit" von Angehörigen der künstlerischen Elite, soweit sie im Deutschen Reich geblieben war; brauchbar nämlich für Beteiligung am kulturellen Leben in einem neuen, demokratischen Deutschland. An dieser Aufgabe arbeiteten in der Zentrale des OSS unter anderen HerbertMarcuse und Franz Neumann, die beide dem nach den USA ausgewanderten Frankfurter Institut für Sozialforschung angehört hatten. Diese linken Wissenschaftler legten in ihren Arbeiten für das OSS mehr Wert auf die Entmachtung der in Nazideutschland einflussreichen und besitzenden Eliten und auf eine von den Alliierten zu initiierende "re-education". Im Unterschied dazu dienen die Berichte Zuckmayers lediglich der differenzierten Beurteilung von Autoren, Regisseuren und vor allem Schauspielern, die in Deutschland geblieben waren und sich –mehr oder weniger – dem Regime angepasst hatten. ...
Journalisten fragen, Politiker antworten. Kurz nach Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges, im November 1914, hat der Strafrechtler und Völkerrechtler Franz von Liszt auf Fragen des Chefredakteurs Helmer Key vom "Svenska Dagbladet" in Stockholm geantwortet – in bemerkenswert enger Anlehnung an die alte konservative Theorie von der deutschen Friedfertigkeit, die erst durch die Einkreisungspolitik Eduards VII. zur Wehrhaftigkeit habe werden müssen.
Iring Fetscher hat das maschinenschriftliche Dokument auf einer Auktion entdeckt und erworben. Wir drucken es auf den folgenden Seiten als Faksimile mit dem Kommentar von Iring Fetscher zu Fragen und Antworten im Deutschen Herbst 1914.
This article inquires the relevancy of multiple temporalisations for the discourse analysis of testimonial interviews. Step by step and by help of a range of empirical cases, the author widens the analytical scope (from questions, lines of questions, to supported interrogation by help of files and archives). He does so in order to reconstruct the efficient resources and means of forensic and administrative interrogations. The interviews turn out to be most powerful once they establish duplicity, meaning a partial separation of speech-production and speech-reception. Conclusively the author argues for a symmetrical view on scientific (qualitative) interviews and forensic interrogation. The separation of production and reception is widely ignored in qualitative methods.
Zentraler Gegenstand der Tagung waren die disziplinären Aneignungen der ethnografischen Herangehensweise in der Ethnologie und der Soziologie. Der Tagungsbericht sammelt die auf der Tagung debattierten Differenzen und Ähnlichkeiten und sichtet die tiefer liegenden, systematischen Unterschiede entlang der ethnografischen Trias von Feld, Site und Gegenstand. Mit Blick auf eine geplante Folgetagung identifizieren die Autoren Schlüsselthemen für die weitere Debatte.
Für den Politikwissenschaftler Herfried Münkler ist Solidarität das "Stiefkind der Moralphilosophie, aber auch der Gesellschaftstheorie". Die Sache, so Münkler in dem von Beckert, Eckert, Kohli, Streeck vorzüglich edierten Tagungsband, sei offenbar "nicht sonderlich theoriefähig". So habe Kant, der Philosoph der Französischen Revolution, kurzerhand die Brüderlichkeit aus der Trias Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité entfernt und durch den schnöden Besitzindividualismus der Selbständigkeit substituiert. Genauso in der Theorie der Gesellschaft, in der die Prominenz des Solidaritätsbegriffs bei "Émile Durkheim (…) eine der wenigen Ausnahmen" darstelle. ...
The digitalization of financial services opened a window for new players in the financial industry. These start-ups take on tasks and functions previously reserved for banks, such as financing, asset management, and payments. In this article, we trace the transformation of the industry after digitalization. By using data on FinTech formations in Germany, we provide first evidence that entrepreneurial dynamics in the FinTech sector are not so much driven by technology as by the educational and business background of the founders. Furthermore, we investigate the reactions of traditional banks to the emergence of these start-ups. In contrast with other emerging industries such as biotechnology, a network analysis shows that FinTechs have mostly engaged in strategic partnerships and only a few banks have acquired or obtained a financial interest in a FinTech. We explain the restraint of traditional banks to fully endorse the new possibilities of digitalized financial services with the characteristics of the technology itself and with the postponed fundamental decisions of banks to modernize their IT infrastructure.