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We present the first wide-range measurement of the charged-particle pseudorapidity density distribution, for different centralities (the 0-5%, 5-10%, 10-20%, and 20-30% most central events) in Pb-Pb collisions at sNN−−−√=2.76 TeV at the LHC. The measurement is performed using the full coverage of the ALICE detectors, −5.0<η<5.5, and employing a special analysis technique based on collisions arising from LHC "satellite" bunches. We present the pseudorapidity density as a function of the number of participating nucleons as well as an extrapolation to the total number of produced charged particles (Nch=17165±772 for the 0-5% most central collisions). From the measured dNch/dη distribution we derive the rapidity density distribution, dNch/dy, under simple assumptions. The rapidity density distribution is found to be significantly wider than the predictions of the Landau model. We assess the validity of longitudinal scaling by comparing to lower energy results from RHIC. Finally the mechanisms of the underlying particle production are discussed based on a comparison with various theoretical models.
Measurements of charge-dependent azimuthal correlations with the ALICE detector at the LHC are reported for Pb-Pb collisions at √𝑠𝑁𝑁=2.76 TeV. Two- and three-particle charge-dependent azimuthal correlations in the pseudorapidity range |𝜂|<0.8 are presented as a function of the collision centrality, particle separation in pseudorapidity, and transverse momentum. A clear signal compatible with a charge-dependent separation relative to the reaction plane is observed, which shows little or no collision energy dependence when compared to measurements at RHIC energies. This provides a new insight for understanding the nature of the charge-dependent azimuthal correlations observed at RHIC and LHC energies.
We report the first measurement of the net-charge fluctuations in Pb-Pb collisions at sNN−−−√ = 2.76 TeV, measured with the ALICE detector at the CERN Large Hadron Collider. The dynamical fluctuations per unit entropy are observed to decrease when going from peripheral to central collisions. An additional reduction in the amount of fluctuations is seen in comparison to the results from lower energies. We examine the dependence of fluctuations on the pseudorapidity interval, which may account for the dilution of fluctuations during the evolution of the system. We find that the fluctuations at LHC are smaller compared to the measurements at the Relativistic heavy Ion Collider (RHIC), and as such, closer to what has been theoretically predicted for the formation of Quark-Gluon Plasma (QGP).
This publication describes the methods used to measure the centrality of inelastic Pb-Pb collisions at a center-of-mass energy of 2.76 TeV per colliding nucleon pair with ALICE. The centrality is a key parameter in the study of the properties of QCD matter at extreme temperature and energy density, because it is directly related to the initial overlap region of the colliding nuclei. Geometrical properties of the collision, such as the number of participating nucleons and number of binary nucleon-nucleon collisions, are deduced from a Glauber model with a sharp impact parameter selection, and shown to be consistent with those extracted from the data. The centrality determination provides a tool to compare ALICE measurements with those of other experiments and with theoretical calculations.
Correlations of two charged identical kaons (KchKch) are measured in pp collisions at s√=7~TeV by the ALICE experiment at the Large Hadron Collider (LHC). One-dimensional KchKch correlation functions are constructed in three multiplicity and four transverse momentum ranges. The KchKch femtoscopic source parameters R and λ are extracted. The KchKch correlations show a slight increase of femtoscopic radii with increasing multiplicity and a slight decrease of radii with increasing transverse momentum. These trends are similar to the ones observed for ππ and K0sK0s correlations in pp and heavy-ion collisions. However at high multiplicities, there is an indication that the one-dimensional correlation radii for charged kaons are larger than those for pions in contrast to what was observed in heavy-ion collisions at RHIC.
We present the analysis of the semi-inclusive distribution of reconstructed charged particle jets recoiling from a high pT hadron trigger in central Pb Pb collisions at sNN−−−−√=2.76 TeV. We measure, subtract and unfold the large underlying event background in such collisions, utilizing a novel technique that does not impose fragmentation bias on the measured jet population. The Pb Pb measurements are compared to a pp PYTHIA reference distribution generated at the same s√. Modification of jet structure due to quenching is explored by varying the cone radius R (0.2, 0.4) and the lower pT cutoff of charged particle constituents (0.15, 2.0 GeV/c).
The charged-particle pseudorapidity density measured over 4 units of pseudorapidity in non-single-diffractive (NSD) p-Pb collisions at a centre-of-mass energy per nucleon pair sNN−−−√=5.02 TeV is presented. The average value at midrapidity is measured to be 16.81±0.71 (syst.), which corresponds to 2.14±0.17 (syst.) per participating nucleon. This is 16% lower than in NSD pp collisions interpolated to the same collision energy, and 84% higher than in d-Au collisions at sNN−−−√=0.2 TeV. The measured pseudorapidity density in p-Pb collisions is compared to model predictions, and provides new constraints on the description of particle production in high-energy nuclear collisions.
Measurement of the inclusive differential jet cross section in pp collisions at √s = 2.76 TeV
(2013)
The ALICE collaboration at the CERN Large Hadron Collider reports the first measurement of the inclusive differential jet cross section at mid-rapidity in pp collisions at s√=2.76 TeV, with integrated luminosity of 13.6 nb−1. Jets are measured over the transverse momentum range 20 to 125 GeV/c and are corrected to the particle level. Calculations based on Next-to-Leading Order perturbative QCD are in good agreement with the measurements. The ratio of inclusive jet cross sections for jet radii R=0.2 and R=0.4 is reported, and is also well reproduced by a Next-to-Leading Order perturbative QCD calculation when hadronization effects are included.
In Dutch V-final clauses the verbs tend to form a cluster in which the main verb is separated from its syntactic arguments by one or more other verbs. In HPSG the link between the main verb and its arguments is canonically modeled in terms of argument inheritance, also known as argument composition or generalized raising. When applied to Dutch, this treatment yields a number of problems, making incorrect predictions about the interaction with the binding principles and the passive lexical rule. To repair them this paper proposes an alternative, in which subject raising and complement raising are modeled in terms of different devices. More specifically, while subject raising is modeled in terms of lexical constraints, as for English, complement raising is modeled in terms of a more general constraint on headed phrases. This new constraint not only accounts for complement raising out of verbal complements, it also deals with complement raising out of adjectival and adpositional complements, as well as with complement raising out of PP adjuncts and subject NPs. It is, hence, a rather powerful device. To prevent overgeneration we add a number of constraints. For Dutch, the relevant constraints block complement raising out of CPs, V-initial VPs and P-initial PPs. For English, the Empty COMPS Constraint is sufficient to block complement raising entirely.
Hungarian infinitival constructions have both mono-clausal and bi-clausal properties at the same time. The arguments of the infinitive behave the same way as the arguments of the finite verb do, but the non-finite verb has its own left periphery. After discussing the general description of Hungarian sentence structure and presenting an HPSG analysis for it – including a description of the connection between word order and scope order in the Hungarian left periphery – this paper presents an analysis for Hungarian infinitival constructions. The analysis lexically distinguishes the left peripheral arguments of the infinitive from its complements, and allows the infinitive and its left peripheral arguments to form constituents, while the complements of the infinitive are inherited to the finite verb.
This paper presents a unified approach to multiple nominative and accusative constructions in Korean. We identify 16 semantic relations holding between two consecutive NPs in multiple case marking constructions, and propose each semantic relation as a licensing condition on double case marking. We argue that the multiple case marking constructions are merely the sequences of double case marking, which are formed by dextrosinistrally sequencing the pairs of the same-case marked NPs of same or different type. Some appealing consequences of this proposal include a new comprehensive classification of the sequences of same-case NPs and a straightforward account of some long standing problems such as how the additional same-case NPs are licensed, and in what respects the multiple nominative marking and the multiple accusative marking are alike and different from each other.
This paper presents a syntactic HPSG analysis of distance distributivity in Polish, where the challenge is to uniformly analyse a number of function lexemes PO 'each' which share their form and semantic contribution, but differ in their syntactic behaviour. To this end, the HPSG notion of weak head is employed in a novel way.
We show how the variation in the passive in Danish, English, and German can be accounted for. The dimensions in which the three languages differ are
- the existence of a morphological passive in Danish
- a subject requirement in Danish and English resulting in expletive insertion in impersonal
- constructions in Danish and absence of impersonal passives in English the possibility to promote the secondary object to subject in Danish
The differences are accounted for by differences in the structural/lexical case distinction and by mapping processes that insert expletives in Danish. The passive in general is accounted for by a lexical rule that is uniform across languages and hence captures the generalization regarding passive.
In this paper I introduce the notion of Usage Preferences (UPs), which are statistically significant preferences in usage which can concern any aspect of linguistics. I suggest that multiple violations of UPs can have additive effects, causing grammatical sentences to be judged as unacceptable. A new judgment on sentences is proposed, the downarrow (↓) to mark sentences that are taken to be grammatical but unacceptable due to UP violations. I illustrate the idea of UPs on the basis of a discussion of the English verbal anaphor do so, involving both a corpus analysis and two acceptability experiments. This leads to a discussion of the relationship between grammaticality and acceptability and to remarks on the methodological importance of taking UPs into account both in linguistic theorizing and in the construction of acceptability experiments.
This paper presents an analysis of the complex NP island effects in Chinese. I follow Ginzburg & Sag (2000)'s analysis of in situ wh-interrogative construction and propose that feature percolation from the non-head clause daughter to the head daughter is required for a proper treatment of in situ wh-relative. A semantic analysis of the idiosyncrasy of weishenme 'why' reveals that a definite reading is forced for a wh-relative when weishenme stays in situ. This requirement causes feature percolation into relative head to fail. In this way I show that island effects in Chinese can be independently ruled out in the grammar as a case of contradiction.
The present article discusses several aspects of the so-called correlate-es construction in German. This complex clausal construction can be identified by a correlative nominal element es ('it') occuring in the matrix clause and a right-peripheral full clausal argument linked to es. The article supports the hypothesis that correlative es has a janus-faced nature between an expletive and a referential meaning. This is the reason why existing approaches are not sufficient to capture the properties of the discussed construction in its entirety. The first part of the article sums up the common view on correlative es including the empirical properties of the construction as well as a brief survey of the relevant previous approaches trying to account for correlative es. Based on new empirical data, the second part of the article shows that none of these accounts is able to capture all relevant facts of the correlate-es construction because existing approaches usually ignore that the realization of correlative es is verb-class dependent. Hence, a new constraint-based analysis is developed that takes both empirical observations into account, the verb-class dependence and the janus-faced nature.
Nonverbal predicates in Modern Hebrew have been the subject of investigation in a number of studies. However, to our knowledge, none of them was corpus-based. Corpus searches reveal that the nonverbal constructions which are most commonly addressed in the literature are not the most commonly used ones. Once a broader range of data is considered additional issues are raised. Our analysis addresses these issues, unifying the treatment of three types of copular constructions that we identify in MH. The analysis is implemented as part of a larger-scale grammar, and is extensively tested.
Khoekhoe, a Central Khoisan language, has been claimed to have a clause-second position and topological fields similar to German and Dutch. The position in front of the clause-second position can be occupied by either the matrix verb or a dependent. We argue that monomoraic words are exempt from the general head-final order of Khoekhoe and suggest that this can give rise to discontinuous constituents, where second-position clitics intervene within the VP. We show that this idea provides a simple account of Khoekhoe word order variation and formalize it within a linearization-based HPSG analysis that has a wider scope than the previous Minimalist analyses of Khoekhoe and that is compatible with evidence from tonology.
Simpler Syntax is an approach to grammar that calls for very restrictive limits on the notion of 'grammatical competence'. Specifically, it does not account for unacceptability judgments for sentences that are well-formed if they are fully licensed by the constructions of the language. SS leads us to seek accounts for such judgments in terms other than grammar per se, e.g., processing complexity, semantic or pragmatic well-formedness, discourse coherence, etc. I review several examples that suggest that the line that SS draws between competence on the one hand and performance and other mechanisms on the other is on the right track. Specifically, it does not account for unacceptability judgments for sentences that are well-formed if they are fully licensed by the constructions of the language. SS leads us to seek accounts for such judgments in terms other than grammar per se, e.g., processing complexity, semantic or pragmatic well-formedness, discourse coherence, etc. I review several examples that suggest that the line that SS draws between competence on the one hand and performance and other mechanisms on the other is on the right track.
In most recent work, Crysmann and Bonami (2012) suggest to reconcile the insights of inferential-realisational morphology (Anderson, 1992; Stump, 2001; Brown and Hippisley, 2012) with the full typology of variable morphotactics: situations where the expression of analogous feature sets can appear in various positions in the string. The authors proposed to account for these facts by importing, into HPSG, a variant of Paradigm Function Morphology (Stump, 2001) where realisation rules are doubly indexed for linear position and paradigmatic opposition. In this paper we first introduce more empirical challenges for theories of morphotactics that neither PFM nor the reformist approach of Crysmann and Bonami (2012) can accommodate. We then argue for a reappraisal of methods for morph introduction, and propose a new approach that replaces stipulation of classes of paradigmatic opposition with a general distinction between expression and conditioning (Carstairs, 1987; Noyer, 1992) which greatly expands the scope of Pāṇini’s Principle.