Jüdische Studien - Literatur
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Der aus Ungarn stammende israelische Satiriker Ephraim Kishon (1924–2005) gilt als ‚Versöhnungsfigur‘ zwischen Deutschen und Jüdinnen und Juden im bundesdeutschen Nachkriegsdiskurs. Seine „israelischen Satiren“ erfreuten sich in der freien Übertragung durch Friedrich Torberg vor allem in den 1960er bis 1990er Jahren enormer Beliebtheit. Dabei wurde zunächst verdrängt, dass Kishon selbst Überlebender der Schoah war und seinen Humor als Überlebensstrategie entwickelt hatte. Bisher wurde die Bedeutung der Schoah für Kishons Schreiben nur unzureichend berücksichtigt.
Birgit M. Körner beleuchtet das Phänomen von Kishons Erfolg in der Bundesrepublik nun von drei Seiten: von der Seite des Autors und Schoah-Überlebenden Kishon, von der Seite des Mitschöpfers und Übersetzers Friedrich Torberg und von der Seite der Rezeption durch ein postnationalsozialistisches deutschsprachiges Publikum.
Im Fokus steht zunächst die Rekonstruktion von Kishons Verfolgungs- und Überlebenserfahrung anhand bisher unbekannter Akten und der Nachweis, dass sich deren Spuren in Kishons Satiren finden lassen. Kishon und Torberg konstruieren einen „israelischen Humor“, der maßgeblich auf den europäischen jüdischen Humortraditionen – dem ostjüdischen Witz und der jüdischen Tradition des literarischen Sarkasmus – sowie auf Kishons Schoah-Überleben basiert. Deutlich wird dabei Torbergs Tendenz, das deutschsprachige Publikum zu ‚schonen‘ und explizite Stellen zu streichen, u.a. um eine positive Haltung zu Israel zu fördern. Kishon selbst stand seiner Rolle als ‚Versöhnungsfigur‘ für ein westdeutsches Publikum durchaus ambivalent gegenüber.
Die Bibliographie nennt alle in der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek vorhandenen Bücher Grete Fischers. Die Titel wurden mit Ausnahme der drei 1945/46 in Glasgow erschienenen Bücher autoptisch überprüft. Als Verlagslektorin hat sie durch mehrere Jahrzehnte an deutschen und englischen Übersetzungen mitgewirkt, die sich bisher jedoch bibliographisch nicht nachweisen ließen.
This study of the conditions, character and consequences of the conversion of dollar currency into Palestine Pounds, with special reference to the utilisation of these dollars for purchase of American capital goods and raw materials, is addressed particularly to our friends in the United States. ...
Die fast 400 Titel der Edition entstammen der Privatbibliothek des Orientalisten Oluf Gerhard Tychsen (1734-1815) und sie bieten einen Querschnitt durch die jiddische Buchgeschichte bis ins 19. Jahrhundert mit zahlreichen Rarissima und Unikaten, beginnend mit dem ersten bekannten jiddischen Druck Mirkevet ha-Mishne, Krakau 1534.
Unter den Bibelübersetzungen bzw. Bibelparaphrasen findet sich die Ausgabe Konstanz 1544 ebenso wie die Übersetzungen von Blitz und Witzenhausen.
Von den drei Ausgaben der Tsene-rene im Bestand sind zwei erstmals hier nachgewiesen (Frankfurt a.M. 1685, Sulzbach 1702), und die dritte (Fürth [Pseudo-Amsterdam] 1761) scheint überhaupt nur in Rostock vorhanden zu sein.
Eine Seltenheit unter den Gebetbüchern ist ein hebräischer Siddur mit jiddischen Passagen, erschienen 1560 in Mantua.
Auch etliche der Ausgaben von Erbauungs- und Volksliteratur des 16. bis 18. Jahrhunderts aus verschiedensten Druckorten von Wandsbeck bis Venedig und Frankfurt (Oder) bis Frankfurt (Main) sind kaum bekannt bzw. Unikate, so auch die jiddische Ausgabe des Keter Malkhut von Salomo Ibn Gabirol (Venedig 1600).
Die Microfiche-Edition ist in der Universitätsbibliothek vorhanden und kann mit der Signatur MP 31908 in den Lesesaal 2 bestellt werden.
Sammlung Wagenseil : Katalog
(1996)
Die Büchersammlung des Altdorfer Polyhistors, Juristen und Orientalisten Johann Christoph Wagenseil (1633-1705) umfasste bei seinem Tod etwa 600 Titel in 300 Bänden. Die ca. 300 Bände gliedern sich, wie wir heute wissen, etwa wie folgt: 150 Bände Hebraica, d.h. Schriften von Juden für Juden in hebräischer Sprache, 55 Bände Hebraica christlicher Hebraisten und 95 Bände philologischer Literatur von Äthiopisch und Arabisch über Griechisch und Japanisch bis Persisch und Syrisch.
Inhaltlich liegen die Schwerpunkte bei Bibeln (einsprachige, zwei-, drei- und viersprachige Parallelausaben), Talmudausgaben, Sittenbeschreibungen und Geschichtsliteratur, Grammatiken und Wörterbüchern sowie Rara der jüdisch-deutschen Literatur.
Der Katalog der Sammlung Wagenseil auf CD-ROM enthält neben den Katalogisaten auch Abbildungen sämtlicher Titelblätter. Er bietet unterschiedlichste Recherche- und Darstellungsmöglichkeiten:
* Textrecherche nach jedem beliebigen Stichwort
* Konkordanz zu klassischen Werken der hebräischen und orientalischen Bibliographie wie Steinschneider, Cowley, Schnurrer, Zenker u. a.
* Bei hebräischen Titeln findet sich neben der lateinischen Transliteration auch eine hebräische Titelaufnahme auf der Katalogkarte. Entsprechend wird mit Titeln in anderen Sprachen verfahren.
* Die Titelblattabbildungen sind bis 800 % beliebig vergrößerbar.
* Alle Abbildungen und Katalogeinträge können exportiert und ausgedruckt werden.
* Jede Titelblattabbildung ist mit der entsprechenden Katalogkarte verknüpft. Durch Anklicken kann jederzeit zwischen Katalogkarte und Titelbild hin- und hergeschaltet werden.
* Katalog- und Titelbilddatei können jeweils einzeln als auch gleichzeitig nebeneinander angezeigt werden.
Die Microfiche-Edition ist in der Universitätsbibliothek vorhanden und kann mit der Signatur MP 28284 in den Lesesaal 2 bestellt werden.
J'accuse!
(1933)
Babylonisch-jüdische Glossen
(1905)
[ Mishle : perush sefer Mishle ha-ni.kra .Kav .ve-na.ki ] / [ me-et Da.vid ben Shelomoh Ibn Ye.hya ]
(1492)
Proverbia, hebr. Komm.: Däwid Ibn-Jahjä, [Lissabon: Rabbi Eli'ezer, um 1492] 2° H 13427. Oe3 Heb 35. Jacobs 82. Freimann 16. Marx 19. Freimann abw.: 62 statt 60 BI. (wie Marx).
7 kingdoms of the Litvaks
(2009)
Plant names in Yiddish
(2005)
Yiddish linguist Dr. Mordkhe Schaechter confronts the stereotype that "there aren't any plantnames in Yiddish” with the meticulously researched, long-awaited Plant Names in Yiddish, to be published by YIVO in August 2005. This groundbreaking Yiddish-English botanical dictionary draws on literary, scientific, linguistic and religious sources to document a wealth of Yiddish plant names - including many dialectal and regional variants. It is an essential reference work for Yiddish speakers and readers, scholars, researchers, culinary and nature enthusiasts, historians, scientists, and linguists. Plant Names in Yiddish is a fascinating study not only in botany, but also in the development of the Yiddish language as reflected in botanical vocabulary. For example, Schaechter cites Yiddish terms for willow: sháyne-boym, noted in the writings of Mendele Moykher-Sforim and A. Golomb, (from hoysháyne >hesháyne >sháyne - 'willow twigs used ritually on the holiday of Sukkoth'). He also notes that Yiddish terms for the halakhically appropriate vegetable species for a Passover seder have been documented since at least the 12th century, and that "'potato' is regionally known as búlbe, búlve, bílve, kartófl(ye), kartóplye (!), érdepl, ekhpl, ríblekh, barbúlyes, zhémikes, mandebérkes, bánderkes, krumpírn, etc. One town in Galicia, Sanok, at a crossroads of languages and cultures, boasts five different synonyms for 'potato; such examples display the richness of the Yiddish language and its regional diversity. Several important reference sections designed to assist the reader are incorporated into the book, including the English-Yiddish dictionary of botanical terms and plant parts, which provides many words not available in the standard Modern English-Yiddish Yiddish-English Dictionary by Uriel Weinreich. The Trilingual Latin-English-Yiddish Taxonomic Dictionary section helps those who may know a word in one language to find it in another. An extensive index (including a geographic index) makes searching easier, and there is a detailed source bibliography. There are many cross-referenced variations of plant words in Yiddish, a useful tool given the diversity in spelling, dialect and region. A special section on orthographical and morphological variations is also included.
The Chanukah omission
(2008)
Refoel Bal-Mashgiekh
(2006)
Aristotle argued over 2000 years ago that it was legitimate to resist tyranny, yet he provided no arguments as to which means were legitimate. Until today, although we still cannot agree in defining legally what activity can be characterized as “terrorism,” we can all repeat the famous words, “I can’t define it but I know when I see it.” Most important, we all feel the need to explain it and finally combat it. Yet human bombs, this fashionable weapon of today’s terror campaigns, pose an extra difficulty, as they are perceived by many as most difficult to prevent and repel: how can someone actually stop and deter a person who is not afraid of giving up life? The appearance of women in this kind of murder activity has complicated the question, as their gender makes it quite difficult to detect let alone understand them, due to existing images and perceptions about the female role in society and crime. Usually security services, policymakers, and analysts have little conceptual understanding of how the factors contributing to terrorism, as well as the various social parameters, actually affect the individual terrorist. Instead they seem to believe strongly that hard-line policies will prevent terrorism because terrorists want to avoid high costs. The prescriptions dictated by this approach are quite attractive, because they are conventional, compatible with the existing political doctrine, and relatively easy to implement. Few efforts have been made thus far to devise an analytical framework for understanding the processes and factors that underlie the development of the suicide bomber and the execution of suicide bombing attacks, and even fewer about the female actors. Yet to date the approach has contributed little in combating suicide terrorism, where the perpetrators clearly are oblivious to the physical cost of their actions. If multiple factors are likely to underlie any one observation, this undoubtedly applies to suicide terrorism, which is a complex phenomenon not caused by one single factor and not to be adequately explained by one overarching motivation. In order to understand it there is a need to appreciate the ethnic, religious, political, social, and economic context in which it takes place. If perceived as a crime, then any factor that affects or concerns the perpetrator also has to be analyzed in order to break down the pattern of deviance and deter it adequately. Gender is one of these crucial factors, so the female participation in suicide terrorism merits special research, since the cultural, social, and religious standards in the terrorism arenas put women in a very different position than that of men. They are “special” deviants, not because the operational method of their self-immolation differs from that of men, but because their womanhood plays a key role in the way the whole social environment influences them. It is the specific province of criminology, which involves studying the manifestations of crime and social control in relation to law as well as the conditions, processes, and implications at the societal level, that Criminological Perspectives on Female Suicide Terrorism contributes to identifying and analyzing female suicide attacks. Thus, criminology can offer valuable explanations to the formidable goals of counterterrorism, which in turn will be better able to try to combat or modify the special characteristics of this form of female criminal behavior.
Zisl der Yoyred
(2005)
Getsi Gubernator
(2006)
Refoel Bal-Mashgiekh
(2008)
Reb Moyshe - Velvl Balegole
(2006)
Anlass für die Konversion hebräischschriftlicher Zeugnisse in ein anderes Schriftsystem ist im Falle von Bibliotheken der bibliographische Nachweis von Materialien in einem zentralen Katalog, der in einer dominanten Schrift geführt wird. Für Bibliotheken im europäischen und anglo-amerikanischen Sprachraum ist das die lateinische. Weltweit gelten und galten im Bibliotheksbereich unterschiedliche Standards für die Umschrift des Hebräischen. Die Verschiedenartigkeit der Transliterationssysteme und mangelnde Information der Nutzer durch die Bibliotheken über den jeweils verwendeten Standard führen zu großer Unsicherheit bei der Formulierung der Suchanfrage im Rahmen einer OPAC-Recherche. In der vorliegenden Arbeit werden vor diesem Hintergrund Internetauftritte und Online-Kataloge mehrerer europäischer und amerikanischer Bibliotheken betrachtet, die bedeutende Hebraica-Bestände halten. Die Untersuchung konzentriert sich einerseits auf die Frage nach der Vermittlung des für ein zuverlässiges Retrieval notwendigen Wissens. Weiterhin werden einheitliche Suchanfragen an die verschiedenen Online-Kataloge gerichtet und die Rechercheergebnisse analysiert. Ein Exkurs beschreibt die Konsequenzen der Bearbeitung hebräischsprachiger Medien für den Geschäftsgang in Bibliotheken. Diese Veröffentlichung ist die überarbeitete Fassung einer Masterarbeit im postgradualen Fernstudiengang Master of Arts (Library and Information Science) an der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin.
Milah books & manuals
(2009)
Oysgetreyslt
(2001)
Nakhes fun kinder
(2007)
Kidalto vekidashto
(2007)
Dreyfus in kasrilevke
(2001)
Doktoyrim
(2007)
Baym dokter
(2007)
Mark Markovitsh Varshavski
(2007)
A teater fun kaptsonim
(2005)
די נאָדל [Di nodl]
(2007)
מײַ נע גוטע מענטשן, הײַ נט פֿירט אױס אַלע שידוכים ליבעלע די שדכנטע. מ‘פֿאַרליבט זיך און מ‘הױבט זיך אָן אַרומפֿירן. מ‘פֿירט זיך אַזױ לאַנג ביז מ‘קריגט זיך פֿײַ נט. אין מײַ נע צײַ טן האָט מען זיך פֿאַרלאָזט אױף טאַטע-מאַמע. איך אַלײן האָב נישט געזען מײַ ן טאָדיען ביז צום באַדעקנס. מ‘האָט מיר אַראָפּגענומען דעם שלײַ ער פֿון פּנים און כ‘האָב אים דערזען מיט דער רױטער באָרד און די צעשױבערטע פּאות. ס‘איז געװען נאָך שבֿועות און ער האָט געטראָגן אַ פֿוטער װי אין װינטער. אַז כ‘האָב נישט אַװעקגעחלשט, איז נסים פֿון הימל. כ‘האָב אָפּגעפֿאַסט אַ לאַנגן זומער-טאָג. נו, װער מיר גוטס גינט, זאָל נישט האָבן קײן ערגער לעבן װי איך האָב געהאַט מיט מײַ ן מאַן. אַ מליץ-יושר זאָל ער זײַ ן. מ‘טאָר עס נישט זאָגן. נאָר כ‘קען מיך קױם דערװאַרטן װען מיר װעלן װײַ טער זײַ ן באַנאַנד. ...
A shtiler gortn
(2007)
Bay nakht
(2007)
Der yoyred
(2007)
Der gewaltsame Kinderraub zu Bologna : zugleich ein Wort der Warnung an alle Concordatsfreunde
(1858)
אין אונדזער שטוב האָט מען אַלע מאָל גערעדט װעגן דיבוקים, גלגולים, הײַ זער װוּ ס'האָבן אַרומגעשטיפֿט לצים, קעלערס װוּ ס'האָבן זיך אױפֿגעהאַלטן נישט-גוטע. דער טאַטע האָט גערעדט דערפֿון, ערשטנס, צוליב דעם װאָס די זאַכן זענען אים אָנגעגאַנגען. צװײטנס, דערפֿאַר װײַ ל אין דער גרױסער שטאָט װערן די קינדער קאַליע. מ'גײט, מ'זעט, מ'לײענט פּסולע ביכער, און ס'שאַדט דעריבער נישט צו דערמאָנען אַז ס'זענען פֿאַראַן פֿאַרבאָרגענע כּוחות. ...
This regional study documents the life and the destruction of the Jewish community of Magdeburg, in the Prussian province of Saxony, between 1933 and 1945. As this is the first comprehensive and academic study of this community during the Nazi period, it has contributed to both the regional historiography of German Jewry and the historiography of the Shoah in Germany. In both respects it affords a further understanding of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. Commencing this study at the beginning of 1933 enables a comprehensive view to emerge of the community as it was on the eve of the Nazi assault. The study then analyses the spiralling events that led to its eventual destruction. The story of the Magdeburg Jewish community in both the public and private domains has been explored from the Nazi accession to power in 1933 up until April 1945, when only a handful of Jews in the city witnessed liberation. This study has combined both archival material and oral history to reconstruct the period. Secondary literature has largely been incorporated and used in a comparative sense and as reference material. This study has interpreted and viewed the period from an essentially Jewish perspective. That is to say, in documenting the experiences of the Jews of Magdeburg, this study has focused almost exclusively on how this population simultaneously lived and grappled with the deteriorating situation. Much attention has been placed on how it reacted and responded at key junctures in the processes of disenfranchisement, exclusion and finally destruction. This discussion also includes how and why Jews reached decisions to abandon their Heimat and what their experiences with departure were. In the final chapter of the community’s story, an exploration has been made of how the majority of those Jews who remained endured the final years of humiliation and stigmatisation. All but a few perished once the implementation of the ‘Final Solution’ reached Magdeburg in April 1942. The epilogue of this study charts the experiences of those who remained in the city, some of whom survived to tell their story.
Wie profitierte die KWG von der nationalsozialistischen Politik, die Eigentumsrechte an politische bzw. rassistische Kategorien knüpfte? Dieser Frage wird im folgenden anhand von Fallbeispielen bei der Übernahme von Immobilien und dem Umgang mit Stiftungsgeldern nachgegangen. Dabei wird deutlich, daß sich – namentlich in der Agrarforschung – Fälle von Teilhabe an Geschäften häuften, die als „unredlich“ zu klassifizieren sind. Auch auf dem Gebiet der Verwendung von Mitteln, die der KWG von Juden in Form von Stiftungen überlassen worden waren, folgte die KWG den Grundsätzen der nationalsozialistischen Eigentumspolitik, sofern dies zu ihrem eigenen Vorteil war. Stiftungen wurden umbenannt und umgewidmet. Es zeichnet sich allerdings ab, daß schon vor 1933 in der KWG ein laxer Umgang mit dem Willen der Stifter üblich gewesen zu sein scheint, der bis an die Grenze der Mißachtung gesetzlicher Vorgaben ging.
(תּאוות (דערצײלונג [Tayves]
(2008)
װען אַ מענטש שפּאַרט זיך אײַ ן, קאָן ער אָפּטאָן זאַכן װאָס מ'מײנט אַז מ'קען זײ קײן מאָל נישט אױספֿירן – האָט זלמן גלעזער געזאָגט. – ַבײ אונדז אין ראַדאָשיץ איז געװען אַ פּראָסטער ייִ ד, אַ דאָרפֿסגײער, לײב בעלקעס. ער פֿלעגט אַרומגײן איבער די דערפֿער און אױפֿקױפֿן ַבײ די פּױערים אַ מעסטל קאַשע, אַ קראַנץ קנאָבל, אַ טאָפּ האָניק, אַ קנױל פֿלאַקס. ער האָט פֿאַרקױפֿט די פּױערטעס קאָפּטיכלעך, גלעזערנע פּערל, װאַסערלעך זיך צו באַשמעקן, אַלערלײ אָפּגעגילדטע שמאָכטעס. ַװײטער װי פֿינף װיאָרסט פֿון שטעטל איז ער קײן מאָל נישט אַװעק. די סחורה האָט ער באַצױגן דורך אַ שפּיליטער פֿון לובלין און דער אײגענער האָט אױפֿגעקױפֿט ַבײ אים װאָס ער האָט געהאַט צו פֿאַרקױפֿן. דער לײב בעלקעס איז געװען אַ פּראָסטער ייִ ד, אָבער אַ פֿרומער. שבת האָט ער געלײענט דאָס טײַ טש-חומש װי אַ ייִ דענע. אַז אַ פּאַקנטרעגער איז געקומען קײן ראַדאָשיץ, האָט ער גענומען ַבײ אים אױסצולײענען אַלע ספֿרימלעך אױף עבֿרי-טײַ טש. צום מערסטן האָט ער ליב געהאַט צו לײענען װעגן ארץ-ישׂראל. ער פֿלעגט טײל מאָל רעדן מיט אונדז חדר-ייִ נגלעך און פֿרעגן׃ װאָס איז טיפֿער, דער ירדן אָדער דער ים-סוף? װאַקסן אין ארץ-ישׂראל עפּל? װאָס פֿאַר אַ לשון רעדן די דאָרטיקע גױים? מיר האָבן אױס אים געלאַכט. אױסגעזען האָט ער עפּעס טאַקע װי אַן ארץ-ישׂראלדיקער׃ שװאַרצע אױגן, אַ פּעך-שװאַרצע באָרד און ס'פּנים אױך עפּעס שװאַרצלעך. אײן מאָל אין יאָר פֿלעגט קומען קײן ראַדאָשיץ אַ שד"ר, אײנער פֿון די ספֿרדישע ייִ דן, אַ געבױרענער אין תּימן אָדער אין שושן-הבירה. געשיקט האָט מען אים פֿון ארץ-ישׂראל. און דער דאָזיקער שד"ר האָט אױסגעזען װי לײב בעלקעסעס אַ ברודער׃ אַזאַ באָרד, אַזױנע אױגן און אַזאַ שװאַרצקײט אין פּנים. אָנגעטאָן איז געװען דער שד"ר אין אַ 2 זשופּיצע מיט שװאַרצע און רױטע פּאַסן און אין סאַנדאַלן װאָס האָבן אױסגעזען װי חליצה-שיך. אַ היטל האָט ער געהאַט װי אַ טערק. ער האָט גערעדט לשון-קודש אָדער תּרגום-לשון. ייִ דיש האָט ער אױסגעלערנט, האָט ער געזאָגט, אין די שפּעטערדיקע יאָרן. ער איז אַרומגעגאַנגען פֿון שטוב צו שטוב און געעפֿנט די פּושקעלעך װוּ מ'האָט אַרײַ נגעלײגט די נדבֿות פֿאַר ר' מאיר בעל- הנס. דער לײב בעלקעס איז געװאָרן אַזױ פֿאַרקאָכט אין אים, אַז ער האָט אים אַרײַ נגענומען צו זיך אין שטוב און יענער האָט ַבײ אים געװױנט און געגעסן. װי לאַנג דער שד"ר האָט זיך אױפֿגעהאַלטן אין ראַדאָשיץ האָט לײב בעלקעס נישט געטאָן קײן שום מיסחר. ער האָט געהאַלטן יענעם אין אײן אױספֿרעגן׃ װי זעט אױס די מערת-המכפּלה? װײס מען װוּ ס'ליגט אַבֿרהם און װוּ שׂרה? איז דאָס אמת אַז די מאַמע רחל קומט אַרױס אין מיטן דער נאַכט פֿון קבֿר און װײנט אױף אירע קינדער? איך בין נאָך דאַמאָלסט געװען אַ ייִ נגל און איך בין אַלײן אױך נאָכגעלאָפֿן דעם שד"ר. װען האָט מען געזען אין ראַדאָשיץ אײנעם פֿון יענע מקומות? ...
In response to rising anti-Semitism worldwide, including in some of the strongest democracies, the U.S. Congress passed the Global Anti-Semitism Review Act of 2004. On October 16, 2004, President George W. Bush signed the legislation into law (Public Law 108-332). The Act requires the U.S. Department of State to document and combat acts of anti-Semitism globally. To advance these goals, the Act mandated a one-time report on anti-Semitic acts, which the U.S. Department of State submitted to the U.S. Congress in January 2005. The Act also established within the U.S. Department of State an Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism. On May 22, 2006, Gregg Rickman was sworn in by U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice as the first Special Envoy.The U.S. Department of State’s January 2005 Report on Global Anti-Semitism surveyed anti-Semitic incidents throughout the world. The annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices and the annual Report on International Religious Freedom include country-by-country assessments of the nature and extent of acts of anti-Semitism and anti-Semitic incitement. The Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism contributes to the anti-Semitism sections of these annual surveys, pursuant to the Global Anti-Semitism Review Act. Both reports have revealed that incidents of anti-Semitism have become more frequent in recent years. Consistent with the U.S. Department of State’s commitment to assess and counter anti-Semitism, this report is provided to the U.S. Congress to further assess contemporary anti-Semitism by exploring anti-Semitic themes and practices. This report is meant to be used as a resource for increasing understanding of and informing public discourse about contemporary forms of anti-Semitism and for shaping policies to combat anti-Semitism worldwide.
Briefe aus Palästina
(1919)
The period discussed in this work can be defined with absolute precision: it started on June 3, 1907, when the second Duma was dispersed, and ended on July 19, 1914 (August 1 in the Gregorian calendar), when the war against Germany and Austro-Hungary was proclaimed. This period followed right after the first Russian Revolution, which altered the regime: from unlimited autocracy it became half-parliamentary. Although the revolution was aborted and the tsarist government regained control, several important features characterized the period of 1907- 1914. First of all, there was the very existence of the State Duma – the elected lower house of the Parliament with legislative power; second, the establishment of voluntary associations was eased; third, preliminary censorship was abolished. Thus, public life was characterized by a degree of freedom, such as had never existed in Russia before 1905 and would not exist after October 1917. However, the freedom was relative and very narrow; the government tracked all oppositional or near-oppositional activities and did not hesitate to stop them. The basic tension and mutual suspicion between the authorities and society remained intact and eventually brought the collapse of the regime in 1917. But the revolution of February 1917 was not inevitable. In the period under discussion the interest in politics drastically declined, the Russian political forces became more moderate and the majority sought evolution, rather then revolution as the mechanism for change. ...
The thesis is a study of the Jewish community of Leipzig, Germany over the course of the 20 th century. It begins with an overview of the Jews of the city until the rise to power of Adolf Hitler, emphasizing divisions with the Jewish community over the ideology of Zionism and between German-born and foreign-born Jews. It goes on to describe the lives of Jews as the Nazis come to state authority, the riots of November, 1938, and the gradual exclusion of Jews from professional and pubic life in the city. Jewish responses in education, politics and culture are examined, as are the decisions of many local people to emigrate. After the 1938 riots, exclusion began to shift to extermination, and the Jewish community found itself subject to deportation to camps in Eastern Europe. Most of those deported were murdered. Those who lived were able to do so because of good fortune, canny survival skills, or marriage to non-Jews. Jewish life, which had been an important part of the city, was systematically destroyed. After 1945, those few who survived in the city were joined by another handful of Jewish Leipzigers who survived the camps, and by some non-Leipzig Jews, to reform the Jewish community. A tiny percentage of the old Jewish world of Leipzig was left to rebuild. They did so, reestablishing institutions, reclaiming property, and beginning negotiations with the new authorities, the Soviet occupation and then the German Democratic Republic. The Jews of Leipzig continued some of their old concerns in this new world, negotiating with the government and among themselves the nature of their identities as Jews and as Germans. These negotiations were brought to a halt by a series of anti-Semitic purges in 1952 and 1953. The leadership of the Jewish community fled, as did many of their fellow-Jews. The behavior of the East German state at this point showed some surprising commonality with their Nazi predecessors. After the purges were over, those who remained began another process of rebuilding, this time in constant tension with a government that wanted to use them for propaganda purposes during the Cold War. With the fall of the communist regime in 1989-90, the Jewish community of Leipzig was able to chart its destiny again. The old issues of identity and community--among themselves and between Jews and their German neighbors--continue in a very different context.