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Institute
This papers addresses information-structural restrictions on the occurrence of what is known as "multiple fronting" in German. Multiple fronting involves the realization of (what appears to be) more than one constituent in the first position of main clause declaratives, a clause type that otherwise respects the verb-second constraint of German. Relying on a large body of naturally occurring instances of multiple fronting with the surrounding discourse context, we show that in certain contexts, multiple fronting is fully grammatical in German, in contrast to what has sometimes been claimed previously. Examination of this data reveals two different patterns, which we analyze in terms of two distinct constructions, each instantiating a specific pairing of form, meaning and contextual appropriateness.
A little discussed feature of English are non-restrictive relative clauses in which the antecedent is normally not an NP and the gap follows an auxiliary, as in Kim will sing, which Lee won't. These relative clauses resemble clauses with auxiliary complement ellipsis or fronting. There are a variety of analyses that might be proposed, but there are reasons for thinking that the best analysis is one where which is a nominal filler associated with a gap which is generally non-nominal: a filler-gap mismatch analysis in other words.
This paper addresses the form-meaning relation of multimodal communicative actions by means of a grammar that combines verbal input with hand gestures. Unlike speech, gesture signals are interpretable only through their semantic relation to the synchronous speech content. This relation serves to resolve the incomplete meaning that is revealed by gestural form alone. We demonstrate that by using standard linguistic methods, speech and gesture can be integrated in a constrained way into a single derivation tree which maps to a uniform meaning representation.
Does chain hybridization in Irish support movement-based approaches to long-distance dependencies?
(2010)
Huybregts (2009) makes the claim that hybrid A'-chains in Irish favor derivational theories of syntax over representational ones such as HPSG. In this paper, we subject this assertion to closer scrutiny. Based on a new technical proposal, we will reach the conclusion that, in principle, both derivational and representational accounts can accomodate hybrid dependencies. Thus, no argument against either approach can be made on the basis of the Irish data, disconfirming Huybregts's (2009) claim.
The analysis of the copula as a semantically vacuous word in mainstream HPSG is appropriate for some of its uses, such as the progressive and the passive, but not for its use in clauses with a predicative complement. In such clauses the copula denotes a relation of coreference between the indices of the subject and the predicative complement.
This paper explores the use of HPSG for modeling historical phonological change and grammaticalization, focusing on the evolution of the pronunciation of word-final consonants in Modern French. The diachronic evidence is presented in detail, and interpreted as two main transitions, first from Old French to Middle French, then from Middle French to the modern language. The data show how the loss of final consonants, originally a phonological development in Middle French, gave rise to the grammaticalized external sandhi phenomenon known as consonant liaison in modern French. The stages of development are analyzed formally as a succession of HPSG lexical schemas in which phonological representations are determined by reference to the immediately following phonological context.
The paper aims to present approach to HPSG phonology which would account for underlying forms of phonemes. It shows some of the issues arising in monostratal analyses of phonology, and proposes a solution based on a notion of underlying representations. The approach presented, partly inspired by Optimality Theory, resolves cases of neutralisation and opacity by formulating constraints which either restrict the surface representation or relate it to the underlying form.
In this paper we investigate German idioms which contain phraseologically fixed clauses (PCl). To provide a comprehensive HPSG theory of PCls we extend the idiom theory of Soehn 2006 in such a way that it can distinguish different degrees of regularity in idiomatic expressions. An in-depth analysis of two characteristic PCls shows how our two-dimensional theory of idiomatic expressions can be applied and illustrates the scope of the theory.
This paper discusses ergative case assignment in Hindi and its interaction with aspectual verb complexes or complex predicate constructions. It is shown that ergative case is assigned by the last head in the aspectual verb complex and that ergative case on the subject of intransitive verbs denoting bodily-functions is associated with a counter-to-expectation meaning. It is then shown that aspect complex predicates in Hindi involve two distinct syntactic structures, which have similar semantics. While one syntactic structure involves argument composition, the other involves a head-modifier structure. It is argued that the existence of two structures favor approaches to the interface between syntax and semantics which do not require a uniform isomorphism between the semantics and syntax of aspect.
Preposed negation in Danish
(2009)
In Danish the base position of the negation and negated quantifier phrases is between the subject and the finite verb in embedded clauses. However, in embedded clauses introduced by a non-veridical complementizer such as hvis ('if') or om ('whether') the negation and negated quantifier phrases can also appear between the complementizer and the subject. This phenomenon is referred to as preposed negation. The paper investigates the structure and semantics of this construction. It is argued that preposed negation is no adjunction structure, but a special construction where the negation element is a sister of the complementizer and the filler of a filler-gap-structure. It is further argued that preposed negation is associated with negated verum-focus of a clause lacking an (aboutness-) topic. The negation of a verum predicate explains why preposed negation fails to license strong negative polarity items and to rule out positive ones. The lack of a topic explains why preposed negation is preferred with non-referential subjects and with weak readings of indefinite subjects and why preposed negation is incompatible with topic-binding particles.The final section presents an HPSG-analysis of preposed negation using Minimal Recursion Semantics (MRS).
The present paper gives an account of Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs) in Mandarin Chinese. After a typological presentation of the phenomenon, we give an overview of the Chinese data with examples of the semantic variations of SVCs. The inventory of SVC types is classified according to causal and temporal relations between the components. We also discuss the pragmatic conditions on the use of SVCs as well as alternative, semantically equivalent constructions. A HPSG-analysis is proposed for marked SVCs, which uses the interaction between aspect marking and the set of possible subordinative relations to deduce the extra-lexical meaning of the construction. Particular attention is payed to the syntactically peculiar SVC with shared internal arguments, which is accounted for by a non-cancellation approach to valence requirements.
On predication
(2009)
This paper discusses copula constructions in English, German, and Danish and argues that a uniform analysis of all copula constructions is inappropriate. I provide evidence from German that there should be a raising variant of the copula in addition to an identificational copula. A unary schema is provided that maps referential NPs that can be used as arguments onto predicational NPs. Data from Danish shows that predicational NPs can be subjects in specificational structures. An account for such specificational structures is provided and the different behaviour of predicational and specificational structures with regard to question tags is explained. A similar contrast can be found in German left dislocation structures, which follows from the assumptions made in this paper.
A modified treatment of complex predicate formation allows for a reduction of selectional features (that is abolishing of xcomp or vcomp) and for a uniform treatment of predicational phrases in copula constructions and resultative secondary predicates. This yields an account for constituent order variants that remained unexplained by earlier analyses.
I reconsider the HPSG Raising Principle which is introduced in Pollard & Sag (1994) to constrain the way in which lexical entries describe the SUBCAT lists of the words they license. On the basis of whether a complement is assigned a semantic role in a lexical entry or not, this entry may not or must describe this complement as structure-shared with the unrealised subject of some other (non-subject) complement. The formal status of this principle is still unclear, as it is formulated as a 'meta principle' that does not talk about linguistic objects directly but rather about the lexical entries that license them. I show that, although its meaning cannot be expressed faithfully by the usual kind of constraints employed in HPSG, the Raising Principle can nevertheless be replaced by two such constraints which make largely the same predictions. Most importantly, these constraints interact with the output values of description-level lexical rules in the style of Meurers (2001) in a way that makes predictions available that Pollard & Sag (1994) intended the Raising Principle to make but that it cannot possibly make if description-level lexical rules are employed.
This paper analyzes the interrelation of two understudied phenomena of English: discontinuous modifier phenomenon (so willing to help out that they called early; more ready for what was coming than I was) and the complex pre-determination phenomenon (this delicious a lasagna; How hard a problem (was it)?). Despite their independence, they frequently occur intertwined, as in too heavy {a trunk} (for me) to lift and so lovely a melody that some people cried. This paper presents a declarative analysis of these and related facts that avoids syntactic movement in favor of monotonic constraint satisfaction. It demonstrates how an explicit, sign-based, constructional approach to grammatical structure captures linguistic generalizations, while at the same time accounting for idiosyncratic facts in this seemingly complex grammatical domain.
In this paper we develop an HPSG syntax-semantics of negative concord in Romanian. We show that n-words in Romanian can best be treated as negative quantifiers which may combine by resumption to form polyadic negative quantifiers. Optionality of resumption explains the existence of simple sentential negation readings alongside double negation readings. We solve the well-known problem of defining general semantic composition rules for translations of natural language expressions in a logical language with polyadic quantifiers by integrating our higher-order logic in Lexical Resource Semantics, whose constraint-based composition mechanisms directly support a systematic syntax-semantics for negative concord with polyadic quantification.
The paper discusses the so-called adverbial use of the wh-pronoun was ('what'), which establishes a non-standard interrogative construction type in German. It argues that the adverbial use of was ('what') is based on the lexical properties of a categorically deficient pronoun was ('what'), which bears a causal meaning. In addition, adverbial was ('what') differs from canonical argument was ('what') as it is analyzed as a functor which is generated in clause-initial position.
By means of empirical facts mainly provided by d'Avis (2001) it is shown that was ('what') behaves ambivalently regarding the wh-property: On the one hand, was ('what') can introduce an interrogative clause, but on the other hand it cannot license wh-phrases in situ. While formally analyzing the data against the background of existing accounts on wh-interrogatives couched in the framework of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar, an analysis is developed that separates two pieces of information to keep track of the wh-information percolating in an interrogative clause. Whereas the WH-value models wh-fronting and pied-piping phenomena, the QUE value links syntactic and semantic information and thus keeps track of wh-phrases in-situ.
We address three properties of Turkish morphology and VP coordination: the identification of tense and aspect values across conjuncts, the optional omission of affixes on non-final conjuncts coordinated with the word ve and the obligatory sharing of scopal modals across conjuncts in coordination structures with the affix -ip. For the modals in an -ip structure, we propose an analysis that uses syntactic features to trigger the application of a construction at the level of the coordinated VP introducing the scopal predications. Our analysis is implemented in a small HPSG grammar and tested against datasets confirming the functionality and consistency of the analysis.
Although the original framework of HPSG is mostly compatible with independent theoretical claims or analyses in lexical lexeme base morphology (Anderson 1992, Aronoff & Fudeman 2004, Beard 1995, Booij 2005, Carstairs-McCarthy 1992, Fradin 2003, Haspelmath 2002, Matthews 1991, Plag 2003, for example), so far, most research in morphology has been done on inflexional phenomena (Orgun & Inkelas 2002, Bonami & Boyé 2006), and few on derivational morphology (Koenig 1999, Riehemann 1998). Yet, we believe it is worth investigating how the formal and theoretical apparatus of HPSG deals with capturing multilevel constraints that apply in the lexeme formation of French Verb-Noun nominal compounds, such as as GRILLE-PAIN (lit. grill-bread, 'toaster'), PERCE-OREILLE (lit. pierce-ear, 'earwig'), TOURNEVIS (lit. turn-screw, 'screwdriver'), or LÈCHE-VITRINE (lit. lick-window, 'window-shopping'). Contrary to what has often been said, we argue VN lexemes formation comes under morphological constraints but not under syntactic mechanisms. Our analysis integrates VN lexemes into a multiple-dimension typed-hierarchy of lexemes and provides an account for semantic generalizations involved in different types of lexeme formation (compounding, derivation, and conversion).
In this paper, I discuss the case and agreement system of Nias, a language that has been described as a marked-absolutive system by various authors (Donohue and Brown, 1999; Corbett, 2006; Cysouw, 2005; Handschuh, 2008; Wichmann, 2005). I shall argue in particular that the ergativity of this language is highly superficial in nature, showing that hypothesised marked-absolutive arguments fail to display typical subject properties. Extending the linking theory of ergativity by Manning (1994) and Manning and Sag (1999), which assumes an inverse linking pattern for transitive, I shall suggest that Nias transitives are best analysed as a Nominative-Accusative system, attributing the ergative split in Nias to an inverse linking of intransitives instead. Under this perspective, case, agreement, and word order will receive a natural explanation.
Previous HPSG accounts of extraction blur the distinction between valents and adjuncts by allowing verbs to lexically control the modifiers that combine with their phrasal projections. However, assuming that adjuncts are valents runs into various difficulties. This paper argues that the distinction between complements and adjuncts can be maintained, and that certain semantic phenomena that challenge traceless theories of extraction can be seen as an instance of a more general process. Finally, this paper also discusses a uniform mechanism for case assignment to valents and adverbial nominals.