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Remarks on deixis
(1992)
The prevailing conception of deixis is oriented to the idea of 'concrete' physical and perceptual characteristics of the situation of speech. Signs standardly adduced as typical deictics are I, you, here, now, this, that. I and you are defined as meaning "the person producing the utterance in question" and "the person spoken to", here and now as meaning "where the speaker is at utterance time" and "at the moment the utterance is made" (also, "at the place/time of the speech exchange"); similarly, the meanings of this and that are as a rule defined via proximity to speaker's physical location. The elements used in such definitions form the conceptual framework of most of the general characterisations of deixis in the literature. [...] There is much in the literature, of course, that goes far beyond this framework . A great variety of elements, mostly with very abstract meanings, have been found to share deictic characteristics although they do not fit into the personnel-place-time-of-utterance schema. The adequacy of that schema is also called into question by many observations to the effect that the use of such standard deictics as here, now, this, that cannot really be accounted for on its basis, and by the far-reaching possibilities of orienting deictics to reference points in situations other than the situation of speech, to 'deictic centers' other than the speaker. [...] Analyses along the lines of the standard conception regularly acknowledge the existence of deviations from the assumed basic meanings. One traditional solution attributes them to speaker's "subjectivity", or to differences between "physical" and "psychological" space or time; in a similar vein, metaphorical extensions may be said to be at play, or a distinction between prototypical and non-prototypical meanings invoked. Quite apart from the question of the relative merits of these explanatory principles, which I do not wish to discuss here, the problem with all such accounts is that the definitions of the assumed basic meanings themselves are founded on axiom rather than analysis of situated use. The logical alternative, of course, is to set out for more abstract and comprehensive meaning definitions from the start. In fact, a number of recent, discourse-oriented, treatments of the demonstratives proceed this way; they view those elements as processing instructions rather than signs with inherently spatial denotation (Isard 1975, Hawkins 1978, Kirsner 1979, Linde 1979 , Ehlich 1982.)
This paper argues for a particular architecture of OT syntax. This architecture hasthree core features: i) it is bidirectional, the usual production-oriented optimisation (called ‘first optimisation’ here) is accompanied by a second step that checks the recoverability of an underlying form; ii) this underlying form already contains a full-fledged syntactic specification; iii) especially the procedure checking for recoverability makes crucial use of semantic and pragmatic factors. The first section motivates the basic architecture. The second section shows with two examples, how contextual factors are integrated. The third section examines its implications for learning theory, and the fourth section concludes with a broader discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of the proposed model.
Speakers of various Southern german dialects may be heard to use two syntactic variants of subordinate clauses which are represented by the following Swabian examples: (1) daß er den net will komme lasse (2) daß er den net komme lasse will Of these two variants of the three-element verbal complex, only the non-dialect counterpart of (2) is accepted as standard modern written German: (3) daß er ihn nicht kommen lassen will In earlier periods of the German language, however, both variants were used by authors of written texts.
Resenha : Karl-Heinz Göttert. Neues Deutsches Wörterbuch. Köln: Helmut Lingen Verlag, 2007 (1150 p.)
(2009)
Resenha : Langenscheidt Taschenwörterbuch Deutsch als Fremdsprache. Berlin: Langenscheidt, 2004.
(2007)
The proper semantic treatment of the complements of Responsive Predicates (ResPs), those predicates which may embed either declarative or interrogative clauses, is a longstanding puzzle, given standard assumptions about complement selection. In order to avoid positing systematic polysemy for ResPs, typical treatments of ResP complements treat their arguments either as uniformly declarative-like (propositional) or interrogative-like (question).
I shed new light on this question with novel data from Estonian, in which there are verbs think-like meanings with declarative complements and wonder-like meanings with interrogative complements. I argue that these verbs’ meaning is fundamentally incompatible with a proposition-taking semantics for ResPs, and therefore a question-taking semantics is to be preferred.
Rethinking the adjunct
(2000)
The purpose of the present paper is twofold: first, to show that, when defining the adjunct, it is necessary to distinguish in a strict modular way between the syntactic level and the lexico-semantic level. Thus, the adjunct is a syntactic category on a par with the specifier and the complement, whereas the argument belongs to the same set as does (among others) the modifier. The consequence of this distinction is that there is no direct one-to-one opposition between adjuncts and arguments. Nor is there any direct one-to one relation between adjuncts and modifiers.
The second and main purpose of the paper is to account for the well-known difference between the position of a specific set of modifiers (cause, time, place etc.) in, on the one hand, English and Swedish, on the other, German. In English and Swedish the default position of these modifiers is postverbal, whereas in German it is preverbal. Further, in English and Swedish, these modifiers occur in a mirror order compared with their German counterparts, an order which, from a semantic point of view, is not the expected one. I shall demonstrate that this difference is due to the different settings of the verbal head parameter, the former languages being VO-languages and the latter being OV -languages. I shall further argue that in English and Swedish these modifiers are base generated as adjuncts to an empty VP, which is a complement of the main verb of what I shall call the minimal VP (MVP), whereas in German they are adjuncts on top of the MVP. Finally, I shall argue that the postverbal modifiers move at the latest at LF to the top of the MVP, in order to take scope over it, the restriction being 'Shortest move'. The movement results in the correct scope order of the postverbal modifiers.
The proposed structure also accounts for the binding data, in particular for the binding of a specific Swedish possessive anaphor 'sin'. This pronoun, which may occur within the MVP, must not occur within the postverbal modifiers in the empty VP. This supports the assumption that there is a strict borderline between the MVP and the assumed empty VP. The account is also in accordance with the focus data, the specific set of modifiers being potential focus exponents in a wide focus reading in English and Swedish, but not in German.
Arguing against Bhat’s (1974) claim that retroflexion cannot be correlated with retraction, the present article illustrates that retroflexes are always retracted, though retraction is not claimed to be a sufficient criterion for retroflexion. The cooccurrence of retraction with retroflexion is shown to make two further implications; first, that non-velarized retroflexes do not exist, and second, that secondary palatalization of retroflexes is phonetically impossible. The process of palatalization is shown to trigger a change in the primary place of articulation to non-retroflex. Phonologically, retraction has to be represented by the feature specification [+back] for all retroflex segments.
Arguing against Bhat’s (1974) claim that retroflexion cannot be correlated with retraction, the present article illustrates that retroflexes are always retracted, though retraction is not claimed to be a sufficient criterion for retroflexion. The cooccurrence of retraction with retroflexion is shown to make two further implications; first, that non-velarized retroflexes do not exist, and second, that secondary palatalization of retroflexes is phonetically impossible. The process of palatalization is shown to trigger a change in the primary place of articulation to non-retroflex. Phonologically, retraction has to be represented by the feature specification [+back] for all retroflex segments.
The renowned Grimm Dictionary (1854-1961) makes the statement that the German copula sein (to be) is “the most general and colourless of all verbal concepts” (der allgemeinste und farbloseste aller verbalbegriffe). A more concise summary of the linguistic issues surrounding the copula is hardly possible. These two properties (and the latent tension between them!) make copulas a particularly interesting and vexing subject of linguistic research. Copulas appear to be almost colourless, i.e., devoid of any concrete meaning, thus leading to the question of why such expressions exist at all, not only in German but in the majority of the world’s languages. And at the same time copulas presumably provide the best window into the core of verbal concepts thereby telling us what it actually means to be a verb – at least in a language like German or English. While there is a rather rich body of research on copulas in philosophical and formal semantics including several in-depth studies on the copular systems of individual languages, copulas have received comparably little attention from a typological perspective. The monograph of Regina Pustet sets out to fill this gap. She presents an extensive cross-linguistic study of copula usage based on a sample of 154 languages drawn from the language families of the world. The analysis is embedded in the theoretical framework of functional typology. The study aims at uncovering universal principles that govern the distribution of copulas in nominal, adjectival, and verbal predications. Its major objective is the development of a “semantically-based model of copula distribution” (p.62) by means of which the presence vs. absence of copulas can be motivated through the inherent meaning of the lexical items they potentially combine with. Drawing mainly on the work by Givón (1979, 1984) and Croft (1991, 2001), who provide a functional foundation of the traditional parts of speech, Pustet identifies four semantic parameters which, if taken together, are claimed to support substantial generalisations on copula distribution – within a given language as well as crosslinguistically. These parameters are DYNAMICITY, TRANSIENCE, TRANSITIVITY, and DEPENDENCY. Pustet goes on to argue – and this is in fact the driving force behind the overall monograph – that the distributional behaviour of copulas, in turn, yields a useful methodology for developing a general approach to lexical categorization. Thus, in the long run Pustet aims at contributing to a better understanding of the traditional parts of speech, noun, adjective, and verb by defining them in terms of “semantic feature bundles, which can be arranged in [a] coherent semantic similarity space” (p.193).
Der inhaltlich umfassende Sammelband von Sarah Brommer und Christa Dürscheid bündelt vorrangig Forschungsarbeiten von Studierenden, die sich im Feld der Mensch-Mensch- und Mensch-Maschine-Kommunikation in einer sich stetig technisch weiterentwickelten Welt verorten. Die Forschungsarbeiten, die im Rahmen des Seminars "Mensch. Maschine. Vertrauen." an der Universität Zürich im Wintersemester 2019 entstanden sind, nehmen verschiedene Kommunikationssituationen und aktuelle Phänomene in den Blick, die bis dato noch als Forschungsdesiderate zu konstatieren sind: z. B. (A) Formen interpersonaler Mensch-Maschine-Kommunikation in medialen Formaten wie WhatsApp oder Tinder, (B) Perspektiven auf Streitgespräche mit Robotern oder die Frage nach Vertrauen im Umgang mit Pflegerobotern, (C) Kommunikationssituationen mit Siri oder Smart Homes und (D) Biohacking als technische Entwicklung in Bezug auf das Einsetzen von u.a. Chips in den menschlichen Körper. Insgesamt beinhaltet der Band zwölf Beiträge, die sich überwiegend zunächst aus linguistischer Perspektive den Forschungsgegenständen nähern und diese dann weiterführend in ethische Fragen und gesellschaftspolitische Zusammenhänge einbetten.
In Belhare (Sino-Tibetan, Nepal), consonant prothesis at morpheme boundaries and deletion of stem "augments" is found if either metrical or morphological parsing would violate the bimoraic trochee pattern that underlies the stress system of the language. This finding corroborates Dresher & Lahiri’s (1991) "Principle of Metrical Coherence" and provides new evidence for the cross-linguistic applicability of Crowhurst’s (1994) "Tautomorphemic Foot" constraint. The data also support a view of the Prosodic Hierarchy as weakly layered, allowing consonants to be directly dominated by the foot or word node if they are prothetic and do not therefore need feature licensing within the syllable canon.
Two diametrically opposed stances have emerged from recent theoretical debates on adverbial syntax. One approach, represented by Alexiadou (1997) and Cinque (1999), espouses a rigid hierarchy of functional projections hosting individual adverbs. The other, represented broadly by Jackendoff (1972), McConnell-Ginet (1982) and most recently Ernst (2002), takes adverb placement to be determined by the semantics of the adverbs themselves as opposed to the functional architecture of the clause. Under the latter view, adverbs may be divided into several categories based on their meaning with each category being licensed in a certain range within the sentence.
Here, I undertake a detailed examination of Tagalog adverbs and compare the predictions of the two best articulated recent theories of adverbs, that of Cinque (1999, 2004) and Ernst (2002). The results offer support for some of the basic predictions of the semantically based approach of Ernst. Particularly important are scopal facts which do not obtain a clear explanation under a functional projection-based theory such as Cinque's.
It appears that the complexity of Slavic historical accentology is prohibitive for most non-specialists in the field. It may therefore be useful to approach the subject from a number of different angles in order to render it more accessible to a wider audience. In the following I shall discuss the separate accent paradigms and their development from the Late Balto-Slavic system, which is structurally similar to that of modern Lithuanian, up to the end of the Proto-Slavic period, when the system resembled what we find in modern Serbo-Croatian. The numbering of the stages 1.0 through 10.12 is the same as in my earlier publications (1989, 2003, 2005, 2006a, 2008b). For the rise and development of the accentual system up to the end of the Balto-Slavic period I may refer to my discussion (2006b, 2008a) of Olander’s dissertation (2006). It resulted in a system of four major and two minor accent types.
Word formation in Distributed Morphology (see Arad 2005, Marantz 2001, Embick 2008): 1. Language has atomic, non-decomposable, elements = roots. 2. Roots combine with the functional vocabulary and build larger elements. 3. Roots are category neutral. They are then categorized by combining with category defining functional heads.
Das Chunkparsing bietet einen besonders vielversprechenden Ansatz zum robusten, partiellen Parsing mit dem Ziel einer breiten Datenabdeckung. Ziel beim Chunkparsing ist eine partielle, nicht-rekursive syntaktische Struktur. Dieser extrem effiziente Parsing-Ansatz läßt sich als Kaskade endlicher Transducer realisieren. In diesem Beitrag wird TüSBL vorgestellt, ein System, bei dem die Eingabe aus spontaner, gesprochener Spache besteht, die dem Parser in Form eines Worthypothesengraphen aus einem Spracherkenner zur Verfügung gestellt wird. Chunkparsing ist für eine solche Anwendung besonders geeignet, da es fragmentarische oder nicht wohlgeformte Äußerungen robust behandeln kann. Des weiteren wird eine Baumkonstruktionskomponente vorgestellt, die die partiellen Chunkstrukturen zu vollständigen Bäumen mit grammatischen Funktionen erweitert. Das System wird anhand manuell überprüfter Systemeingaben evaluiert, da sich die üblichen Evaluationsparameter hierfür nicht eignen.
The semantics of adjectives related to nominals denoting societal roles, such as presidential (from president), have remained understudied. We examine the semantics of what we call role-denoting relational adjectives, providing a formal analysis using the notion of a frame, a unified representation for lexical knowledge, world knowledge, and context. The frames we propose are based on a constructivist philosophical understanding of social roles, leading us to posit a multi-tiered ontology of events and individuals. Using frames and our ontology, we provide a general semantics for role-denoting relational adjectives and roles
Romance suffix rivalry of action nouns from Middle English verbs in the OED textual prototypes
(2007)
U radu se analiziraju računalni nazivi sa sufiksom/dočetkom -ware koji se pojavljuju u engleskome i hrvatskome jeziku. Za engleske nazive uspostavljaju se sinonimni nizovi mogućih hrvatskih istovrijednica koji se nastoje vrednovati s pomoću terminoloških načela. Hrvatske su istovrijednice prikupljene na internetu, ali su u analizu uključeni i prijedlozi studenata četvrte godine Fakulteta elektrotehnike i računarstva Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Pri analizi se vodilo računa i o razgraničenju standardnojezičnih naziva i žargonizama.
U radu se predstavlja rukopisni rječnik Vocabolario italiano-illirico, dvojezični hrvatsko-talijanski rječnik, djelo Dubrovčanina fra Lovre Cekinića. Rukopis je nastao 40-ih godina 18. stoljeća, a danas se čuva u biblioteci Samostana Male braće u Dubrovniku. Analizira se autorova leksikografska metoda te se naznačuje leksičko bogatstvo desne, hrvatske strane.
U radu se iznose tzv. lažni parovi (prijatelji), leksemi u hrvatskom i rumunjskom jeziku koji zbog svoje izrazne podudarnosti navode na pogrešno prevođenje. Navode se značajke koje su dovele do takvih pojava. S obzirom na podrijetlo, najčešće je riječ o leksemima naslijeđenima iz latinskoga jezika ili kasnijim romanizmima te dakako slavenskima, kojih je u rumunjskome nezanemariv broj. Izdvojeni se leksemi razvrstavaju u tablicu koja omogućuje njihovu prozirniju usporedbu i lakše prepoznavanje.
U hrvatski su jezik tijekom povijesti ulazile riječi ponajviše iz zemljopisno najbližih jezika, najčešće i službenih ili glavnih jezika nekadašnjih zajedničkih država. Nedvojbeno je velik utjecaj imao i latinski jezik jer je bio temelj nadgradnje hrvatskoga književnog i standardnog jezika te sredstvo očuvanja identiteta hrvatske nacije i hrvatskoga jezika. Ruski jezik ne pripada teritorijalno bliskim jezicima, a nema ni spomenutu vrijednost latinskoga jezika. Njegov je utjecaj na hrvatski jezik kulturološki: kroz književnost te nacionalnu i društvenu politiku. Rusizmi u hrvatski jezik ulaze tijekom triju razdoblja: 1. razdoblje ilirskoga pokreta (uz izravni utjecaj B. Šuleka), 2. razdoblje poslijeratne Jugoslavije i Sovjetskoga Saveza (sovjetizmi), 3. razdoblje nakon raspada socijalističkih država i oblikovanja demokratskih i samostalnih zemalja – Republike Hrvatske i Ruske Federacije. U posljednjemu razdoblju gotovo je dokinuta upotreba sovjetizama, no aktivirali su se drugi rusizmi. Rječnik stranih riječi Bratoljuba Klaića kulturno je dobro hrvatskoga jezika te je ujedno i pokazatelj utjecaja političkih i kulturoloških čimbenika na razvoj hrvatskoga jezika. Kroz Rječnik se tako može pratiti i sudbina rusizama u hrvatskome jeziku. Cilj je ovoga rada prikazati položaj i opis rusizama u hrvatskome jeziku kroz odabrana izdanja Rječnika.
The 'Russian language proficiency test for multilingual children' is a linguistically and psycholinguistically-grounded test for L1-Russian bilingual children of pre-school and elementary school age. It allows the evaluation of language proficiency in Russian for scientific, therapeutic, and pedagogical purposes. The test is based on preliminary norms: data of 167 German-Russian bilingual children between the ages of 3 years and 6 years 11 months were evaluated.
Bilingual children's proficiency is examined in the following language domains:
- productive and receptive lexicon for verbs and nouns
- production of morphological marking on verbs (first and second-person singular present verbal inflection) and nouns (accusative and dative case singular)
- comprehension of grammatical constructions on the sentence level
The test should be administered by a competent – ideally native – speaker of Russian, and takes approximately 60 minutes to administer.
In addition to the test itself, the 'Russian language proficiency test for multilingual children' contains a questionnaire for gathering detailed information on the input situation as well as the child's previous linguistic and extra-linguistic development. The questionnaire is written in English and Russian and is intended to be filled out by the parents.
Russian predicate cleft constructions have the surprising property of being associated with adversative clauses of the opposite polarity. I argue that clefts are associated with adversative clauses because they have the semantics of S-Topics in Büring's (1997, 2000) sense of the term. It is shown that the polarity of the adversative clause is obligatorily opposed to that of the cleft because the use of a cleft gives rise to a relevance-based pragmatic scale. The ordering principle according to which these scale
The present study offers an analysis of the Russian copular constructions with predicate nominals. In such copular sentences two cases may mark the predicate: the nominative and the instrumental as in 'Anna byla medsestra/medsestroj' - 'Anna was-3sg.fem.a nursenom/instr'. In the present tense the copula has a null-form and the predicate nominal can only be in the nominative. I argue that the case alternation corresponds to the distinction of Stage Level and Individual Level Predicates in the sense of Kratzer (1994) and Diesing (1992), but with some objections. The copula with Instrumental forms S-Predicates, which are analyzed as predicates applying to situations referring to time. The copula with nominative forms I-Predicates, which attribute properties to individuals without referring to time. I-Predicates have no situation argument. Data that show the (in-)compatibility of copular sentences with certain spatial or temporal modifiers provide a reason to assume a situation argument in byt' + Instr but not in byt' + Nom.
Byt' behaves differently in different grammatical contexts: in contexts of sentence negation, yes/no-questions and under focus byt' + Instr behaves like a lexical category, while byt' + Nom behaves like a functional category. As a functional category byt' + Nom is non-overt in the present and is always finite. The semantic distinction between nominative and instrumental predicate NPs is pegged to an opposition between a structure with a functional copula as the only tense and agreement marker with base position in TP and a lexical copula in VP (Franks 1995, Bailyn&Rubin 1991). To explain phenomena of the copula in Russian I propose an integrated syntactic model for two copulas. The two copulas may be conceived as distinct realizations of one verbal lexical entry which will be specified as a lexical or as functional category in the course of lexical insertion. The Model of Parallel Morphology might be used to explain this phenomenon.
The claim advanced in this paper is that the presence of a left-dislocated element together with a resumptive clitic in Bulgarian is a special case of argument saturation with implications for the focus structure of the clause, while contrast involves discontinuous focus (contrastive topics/foci) with no clitics present in the derivation. Contrastive topic/focus constructions in Bulgarian can be united on the view that they involve (sets of) ordered pairs where the higher element is valuing a contrastive feature (cf. OCC in Chomsky 2001) while the element in the VP is a non-contrastive topic or focus. The contrastive feature participates in wh-structures but not in clitic-left-dislocated structures where pairing between arguments is 'accidental'.
In this paper, I discuss four different verb forms in Ndebele (a Nguni Bantu language spoken mainly in Zimbabwe) - the imperative, reduplicated, future and participial. I show that while all four are subject to minimality restrictions, minimality is satisfied differently in each of these morphological contexts. To account for this, I argue that in Ndebele (as in other Bantu languages) Word and RED are not the only constituents which must satisfy minimality: the Stem is also subject to minimality conditions in some morphological contexts. This paper, then, provides additional arguments for the proposal that Phonological Word is not the only sub-lexical morpho-prosodic constituent. Further, I argue that, although Word, RED and Stern are all subject to the same minimality constraint – they must all be minimally bisyllabic - this does not follow from a single 'generalized' constraint. Instead, I argue, contra recent work within Generalized Template Theory (see, e.g., McCarthy & Prince 1994, 1995a, 1999; Urbanezyk 1995, 1996; and Walker 2000; etc.) that a distinct minimality constraint must be formalized for each of these morpho-prosodic constituents.
The paper starts with a semantic differentiation between the notions of sentence topic and discourse topic. Sentence topic is conceived of as part of a semantic predication in the sense of Y. Kim's work. Discourse topic is defined, as in N. Asher's Segmented Discourse Representation Theory, as a discourse constituent that comprises the content of (part of) the larger discourse.
The main body of the paper serves to investigate the intricate connection between the two types of topic. For restricting the context of investigation, a specific relation between discourse constituents, Elaboration, is chosen. If Elaboration holds between two discourse constituents, one of them can be identified as the explicit discourse topic with respect to the other one. Whereas an elaborating sentence - with or without a sentence topic - is used to infer a 'dimension' for extending the discourse topic, the role of the sentence topic if it occurs is to mark an 'index' for predication along that dimension. The interaction of elaborating sentences and their topics is modelled by means of channel theoretic devices.'
In recent years, experimental research has demontrated great variability in the rates of scalar inferences across different triggering expressions (Doran et al. 2009, 2012, van Tiel et al. 2016). These studies have been taken as evidence against the so-called uniformity assumption, which posits that scalar implicature is triggered by a single mechanism and that the behaviour of one scale should generalize to the whole family of scales. In the following, we present an experimental study that tests negative strengthening for a variety of strong scalar terms, following up on van Tiel et al. (2016). For example, we tested whether the statement John is not brilliant is strengthened to mean that John is not intelligent (see especially Horn 1989). We show that endorsement rates of the scalar implicature (e.g., John is intelligent but not brilliant) are anti-correlated with endorsements of negative strengthening. Further, we demonstrate that a modified version of the uniformity hypothesis taking into account negative strengthening is consistent with van Tiel et al.’s data. Therefore, variation across scales may be more systematic than suggested by the van Tiel et al. study.
This article develops a Gricean account for the computation of scalar implicatures in cases where one scalar term is in the scope of another. It shows that a cross-product of two quantitative scales yields the appropriate scale for many such cases. One exception is cases involving disjunction. For these, I propose an analysis that makes use of a novel, partially ordered quantitative scale for disjunction and capitalizes on the idea that implicatures may have different epistemic status.
Der vorliegende Artikel befasst sich mit dem Vergleich deutscher und tschechischer Phraseme, welche die Emotion Scham und ihre Abstufungen wie Peinlichkeit und Verlegenheit darstellen. Als Ausgangspunkt der Analyse wurde auf der Grundlage von Recherchen in zwei phraseologischen Wörterbüchern ein zweisprachiges phraseologisches Korpus zusammengestellt, wodurch die Anzahl der festen Wendungen eingeschränkt und eindeutig definiert wurde. Das Korpus wurde mit Hilfe einer weiteren Analyse von Sprachkorpora teilweise modifiziert. Im zweiten Schritt wurden die gegenübergestellten deutschen und tschechischen Phraseme entsprechend des Grades ihrer Äquivalenz klassifiziert. Wenn in den benutzten Wörterbüchern keine Entsprechung in der Ausgangs- bzw. Zielsprache angegeben war, wurden darüber hinaus Äquivalente der phraseologischen Wendungen in deutschen und tschechischen Korpora gesucht.
Thema des vorliegenden Beitrags ist das interaktionale Potenzial des Scherzens in seiner Funktion als kooperativ entfaltete Handlung der Kritik. Im Fokus liegen speziell Kontexte, die als 'interkultureller Dialog' markiert sind und in denen sich die Interaktionsaufgabe stellt, an diskursiven 'kulturellen Grenzen' verständigungsorientiert zu arbeiten. Exemplarisch wird an einer Gesprächssequenz zwischen deutschen und ägyptischen Studierenden gezeigt, wie gerade im gemeinsamen Scherzen Konstruktionen kultureller Zugehörigkeit und Differenz kritisch-konstruktiv bearbeitbar werden, auch in beziehungsorganisatorisch schwierigen Situationen. Als entscheidend erweist sich die damit verbundene Initiierung "kulturellen Handelns". Grundlage der Untersuchung ist ein sprachwissenschaftlicher kritisch-diskursanalytischer Zugang zum Material ('Oldenburger Ansatz' der Kritischen Diskursanalyse), in dessen Rahmen diskurssemantische und interaktionsanalytische Perspektiven zusammengeführt werden.
Das lebensbegleitende Lernen – sei es institutionell oder nicht institutionell – dient offen oder verdeckt einer bestimmten Absicht. Von der vorbestimmten Absicht aus betrachtet wird jedes Gelernte einer Prüfung unterzogen. Im Rahmen dieses Referats wird eine literarische Prüfung eines DaF-Seminars mit Vorbedingungen und Nachwirkungen diskutiert. In wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten beschäftigt man sich überwiegend mit der Rolle der Lehrenden, der Lernenden und mit der Unterrichtsgestaltung. All diese Themen sind für den Unterricht, speziell für den Fremdsprachenunterricht, unumstritten. Ebenso von Bedeutung sollte die Bewertung der vermittelten bzw. angeeigneten Fremdsprachenkenntnisse sein. Das Referat wird das Prüfungsverfahren eines fremdsprachlichen Literaturseminars kritisch darstellen. Wichtiges Kriterium bei der Bewertung der Prüfungsergebnisse ist die Reflexion von produktiven Verfahren. Ausgehend vom 'produktiven Verfahren', werden Multiple Choice und offene Fragen – sei es Abfragen von gelernten Inhalten oder allgemeinen Kenntnissen in individuellen Aussagen – kontrastiv diskutiert. Das bevorzugte Prüfungsverfahren wird nach den Gütekriterien Validität, Reliabilität und Objektivität überprüft.