300 Sozialwissenschaften
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Article (384)
- Review (21)
- Working Paper (6)
- Part of a Book (2)
- Contribution to a Periodical (1)
- Doctoral Thesis (1)
Language
Has Fulltext
- yes (415)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (415)
Keywords
- Adorno (52)
- Critical Theory (31)
- Reconhecimento (26)
- Recognition (24)
- Axel Honneth (23)
- Frankfurt School (22)
- Theodor W. Adorno (19)
- Teoria Crítica (18)
- Critical theory (17)
- Escola de Frankfurt (16)
Institute
- Philosophie (415) (remove)
¿Debería gobernar la justicia en las relaciones personales cercanas, como por ejemplo en el dar y recibir entre hombres y mujeres? ¿O es que estas relaciones se hallan más allá de la justicia? El presente artículo defiende, basándose en Aristóteles, el llamado feminista por la justicia sexual, (aun) en las relaciones personales cercanas, en oposición, entre otras, a la objeción de perversión de Hugh LaFollette planteada en 1996. De acuerdo a esta objeción, el llamado por la justicia en relaciones personales cercanas socava o pervierte el amor y la amistad, dando Jugar a relaciones de intercambio interesadas.
Herbert Marcuse es considerado, sin lugar a dudas, como el máximo exponente y punto culminante de la Teoría Crítica, la teoría empleada por la llamada Escuela de Frankfurt.1La Escuela de Frankfurt es el término con el que se conoce a un grupo de hombres interesados en teoría social y formados en escuelas diferentes, pero que comparten la idea de retomar el marxismo con el propósito de elaborar una crítica de la sociedad existente, a partir de distintas disciplinas. A la Escuela de Frankfurt, conocida inicialmente como Instituto de Investigación Social, pertenecen pensadores como Herbert Marcuse, Erich Fromm, Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno, Leo 54Rosendo Bolívar Meza Lowenthal, Friedrich Pollok, Franz Newmann, Jurgen Habermas, Walter Ben-jamin, Karl August Wittfogel, Sorge,Grossmann, Félix J. Weil y otros.
The Frankfurt School has often been associated to the project of “marrying” Freud’s psychoanalysis with a Marxian critique of capitalist societies. This article offers however another version of the link between Critical Theory and psychoanalysis. After having briefly sketched the notion of a “critical theory of society”, the Author shows how a critique of modern capitalist societies and Freudian psychoanalysis actually meet at a “methodological” level for which the marriage between Hegel and Freud seems to be the relevant one. As a conclusion, the Author contrasts two kinds of social critique that can be found in the Frankfurt School, which are deeply linked with the first and the latest generation of the Frankfurt School considered in their relation to
psychoanalysis.
The paper discusses the problem of the possible relation between psychoanalytic concepts and social critique in the perspective of Adorno's social thought. The title refers to Adorno's idea that psyche as individual spontaneity has now lost the weight it used to have in the liberal era. As a brief introductory remark, I clarify the status of theory for Adorno, i.e., the circularity between interpretation and description as grounded by the nature of the social object itself. Then I analyse his core idea of “social objectivity” as an impersonal mechanism which is at the same time produced by men and reified, heteronomous for them, and I argue that, for Adorno, the discontinuity existing between individual and society prevents an immediate shift of psychoanalytic concepts to the social world: the example of fascism clearly proves that the determining social forces today, while instrumentally exploiting deep psychical materials, are not themselves psychological. In the final part, I show how, for Adorno, psychology and sociology nevertheless need to be mediated with each other, while avoiding the superficial synthesis the so-called “revised psychoanalysis” aims to, and I point out some similarities between psychoanalytic practice and social critique as conceived by him.
Um leitor de Walter Benjamin: dialética, interpretação e materialismo em Theodor W. Adorno, 1931-2
(2019)
O objetivo do artigo édiscutir a influência do livro Origem do drama trágico alemão(1928) de Walter Benjamin sobre duas preleções de Theodor W. Adorno na Universidade de Frankfurt, a saber: “A atualidade da filosofia” (1931) e “A ideia de história natural” (1932). Com isso, procurou-se, por um lado, indicar especificamente a influência benjaminiana sobre a ideia de constelação e, por outro, esclarecer as fundações histórico-filosóficas da ideia de história natural, que se encontram no centro das reflexões epistemológicas deAdorno. Dessa maneira, é possível compreender as concepções de dialética, interpretação e materialismo trabalhadas por Adorno com o propósito de caracterizar sua própria tarefa filosófica no início da década de 1930.
O artigo toma as críticas ao entrelaçamento entre direito e violência como um ponto de partida para explorar a possibilidade de um "tertiumdo direito". Desse modo, busca superar a suposição dicotômica básica que enxerga o direito sempre oscilando entre uma apologia à violência, de um lado, e uma utopia da razão, de outro. O texto analisa a possibilidade dessetertium, uma "força legal" além da violência legal e da razão legal, em quatro passos, recorrendo ao trabalho de Jacques Derrida e de autores da primeira geração da Escola de Frankfurt, em particular, de Theodor Adorno e Walter Benjamin. Argumenta que, em um primeiro passo, o direito precisa ser dissociado do Estado. A violência jurídica, entretanto, não se origina apenas do laço entre direito e poder de Estado. O direito é em si mesmo violento, mesmo quando não é direito de Estado. O segundo passo da crítica legal consiste, portanto, na recordação da violência do direito, seguido por um terceiro, que pede a transformação da violência em força. Essas três instâncias da crítica são as precondições para um passo último e essencial, de acordo com o qual a crítica do direito deve facilitar a transcendência da violência jurídica, tomando o direito e a sua promessa de justiça ao pé da letra com a finalidade de voltar essa promessa contra o próprio direito.
Promove-se uma recuperação do debate endógeno estabelecido entre alguns pensadores da Escola de Frankfurt, sobretudo no que se refere às diferentes perspectivas de análise sobre as relações entre ação e estrutura social, bem como as distintas percepções acerca das racionalidades (prática ou comunicativa) que organizam a conexão entre os indivíduos e a sociedade. Verifica-se o modo como os autores ligados à teoria crítica compreenderam as relações entre esferas subjetivas e estruturais em termos de possibilidades de emancipação social e de exercício de práticas deliberativas. Nessa perspectiva, considera-se uma cisão teórica estabelecida no interior da própria escola, cuja expressão se dá a partir das diferenças epistemológicas existentes entre o núcleo central do pensamento frankfurtiano e um conjunto de autores periféricos. Os trabalhos produzidos por esse núcleo “marginal”, bem como seu posterior refinamento na obra de Habermas, apresentam alternativas teóricas de caráter relacional que contrapõem a visão estrutural e cética presente nos trabalhos de Horkheimer, Adorno e Marcuse. É justamente na recuperação dessas fronteiras endógenas que se pretende ponderar as possíveis contribuições do pensamento frankfurtiano para uma perspectiva crítica da sociedade contemporânea.
Axel Honneth associates his reading of Hegel with Winnicott's maturational development theory, in order to defend theses on intersubjectivity and recognition. That connection between philosophy and psychoanalysis is a target of criticism from two Hegelians: Joel Whitebook, a reader of Freud, and Judith Butler, a critical reader of Freud and Lacan. At the core of the controversy is Honneth's rejection of the work of the negative that is performed by Freud's death drive. We intend on following in the wake of that debate, and thus investigate the reasons and consequences for social criticism of Honneth's rejection of Freud's death drive.
Axel Honneth associa sua leitura de Hegel à psicologia da maturação de Winnicott de modo a defender teses sobre intersubjetividade e reconhecimento. Esta articulação entre filosofia e psicanálise é objeto da crítica de dois hegelianos: Joel Whitebook, leitor de Freud, e Judith Butler, leitora crítica de Freud e Lacan. No centro da polêmica está a rejeição honnethiana ao trabalho do negativo realizado pela pulsão de morte freudiana. Pretendemos seguir o rastro deste debate e investigar as razões e consequências para a crítica social da recusa do frankfurtiano à pulsão.
This article corrects the following: Hope in political philosophy,
Claudia Blöser Jakob Huber Darrel Moellendorf. Volume 15Issue 5Philosophy Compass First Published online: April 17, 2020.
It has come to the author's attention that the reference citation of ‘Meirav, 2009’ on page 2 of his published article entitled, ‘Hope in political philosophy’ does not provide bibliographical details regarding the article and does not include it in its list of works cited.
Here is the bibliographical information: Meirav, A. (2009). The nature of hope. Ratio, 22, 216–233.
Hope in political philosophy
(2020)
The language of hope is a ubiquitous part of political life, but its value is increasingly contested. While there is an emerging debate about hope in political philosophy, an assessment of the prevalent scepticism about its role in political practice is still outstanding. The aim of this article is to provide an overview of historical and recent treatments of hope in political philosophy and to indicate lines of further research. We argue that even though political philosophy can draw on recent analyses of hope in analytic philosophy, there are distinct challenges for an account of hope in political contexts. Examples such as racial injustice or climate change show the need for a systematic normative account that is sensitive to the unavoidability of hope in politics as much as its characteristic dangers.
This article aims to shed light on some core challenges of liberating social criticism. Its centerpiece is an intuitively attractive account of the nature and difficulty of critical social thought that nevertheless goes missing in many philosophical conversations about critique. This omission at bottom reflects the fact that the account presupposes a philosophically contentious conception of rationality. Yet the relevant conception of rationality does in fact inform influential philosophical treatments of social criticism, including, very prominently, a left Hegelian strand of thinking within contemporary Critical Theory. Moreover, it is possible to mount a defense of the conception by reconstructing, if with various qualifications and additions, an argument from classic—i.e., mid twentieth-century—Anglo-American philosophy of the social sciences, in particular, the argument that forms the backbone of Peter Winch’s The Idea of a Social Science. Winch draws his guiding insights from the later philosophy of Wittgenstein, and one of the payoffs of considering Winch’s Wittgenstein-inspired work against the backdrop of Hegel-inspired work in Critical Theory is to contest the artificial professional strictures that are sometimes taken to speak against reaching across the so-called ‘Continental Divide’ in philosophy. The larger payoff is advancing, by means of this philosophically ecumenical approach, the enterprise of liberating social thought.
Anerkjennelse og menneskeverdets forankring : henimot en transnasjonal anerkjennelsespolitikk
(2011)
Anerkjennelse spiller en nøkkelrolle for menneskeverdet innenfor Frankfurterskolens kritiske teori. Men hvorledes skal «anerkjennelse» forstås? Og hvorledes kan anerkjennelse innløse menneskeverdets universelle og egalitære fordring? Jürgen Habermas' og Axel Honneths «familiekrangel» bidrar med relevant innsikt om relasjonen mellom menneskeverd og anerkjennelse. Dette er en innsikt med affinitet til menneskeverdets normative legitimering i dagens transnasjonaliserte verden.
El concepto de la industria cultural como un problema: una revisión de Adorno, Horkheimer y Benjamin
(2014)
El siguiente documento rastrea la idea de la industria cultural desde su origen como un concepto filosófico en el trabajo de dos autores de la Escuela de Frankfurt, Adorno y Horkheimer. Debido a que el estado lo usa instrumentalmente, la definición de este concepto ha cambiado. El artículo ahonda en la perspectiva de los autores de la Escuela de Frankfurt, agregando las contribuciones y críticas de Walter Benjamin sobre la obra de arte en la era de la reproducción mecánica, con el fin de establecer una relación entre ambas perspectivas.
O Instituto de Pesquisas Sociais (Institut für Sozialforschung) foi fundado em 1923, como um anexo da Universidade de Frankfurt, hoje intitulada Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main. A Escola de Frankfurt, desde 1930, foi dirigida por Max Horkheimer, e reunia pensadores como Theodor W. Adorno, Erich Fromm, Herbert Marcuse, e, contou também como membro do "círculo de fora" do Instituto, Walter Benjamin. Estes intelectuais formularam, como sabemos, o que conhecemos como "Teoria Crítica". Nos anos sessenta, temos a "segunda geração", marcado pela obra de Jürgen Habermas. Aquele que foi seu assistente entre 1984 e 1990, Axel Honneth, veio a ser o Diretor do Instituto frankfurtiano desde 2001. Com ele inaugura-se a "terceira geração" da Escola, cuja proposta consiste em relançar a "Teoria Crítica", sobretudo a partir do livro Kampf um Anerkennung. Zur moralischen Grammatik sozialer Konflikte, de 1992 (publicado no Brasil como Luta por reconhecimento - A Gramática Moral dos Conflitos Sociais. Trad. Luiz Repa. São Paulo: Ed. 34, 2003), tendo como ponto de partida a Fenomenologia do Espírito de Hegel. Honneth centra sua reflexão na "teoria do reconhecimento" e, através dela, são apresentados os limites da obra das gerações de frankfurtianos anteriores. A falta de reconhecimento passa a ser vista como base dos conflitos interpessoais, sociais e políticos na atualidade. Mais recentemente, Honneth publicou Das Recht der Freiheit (Berlin, Suhrkamp, 2011 - O direito à liberdade) e Die Idee des Sozialismus (Berlin, Suhrkamp, 2015 - A ideia do socialismo), sustentando que o socialismo está vivo como ideia, e tem como cerne a liberdade social. Foi em 2014, no Instituto de Pesquisas Sociais de Frankfurt, que aconteceu o encontro e a entrevista com o Diretor do Instituto, Axel Honneth. O foco da breve entrevista, aqui apresentada no original alemão e em tradução portuguesa.
El ensayo contrasta dos grandes posturas ante el fenómeno omnipresente de la técnica, en estricta relación con las concepciones profundas de lo racional y lo natural que le subyacen. Ortega por un lado, y Adorno, Horkheimer y Marcuse por otro, son excelentes ejemplos de visiones muy diferentes pero complementarias, que además conjugan aspectos antropológicos, históricos y políticos de gran importancia para ofrecer una panorámica global en este campo, sin reduccionismo alguno, y ayudar así a repensar nuestro presente.
The following article attempts to clarify the ambivalent relationship that Max Horkheimer and Herbert Marcuse developed with the vitalist and phenomenological tendencies that permeated philosophy and the social sciences during the Weimar Republic. More precisely, it traces how both thinkers, in spite of acknowledging the “truth moment” contained in the criticism that the philosophical exponents of both movements (Husserl, Bergson, Dilthey) developed of 19th century positivism, also recognized in its shallow popularization the advancement of a dangerous philosophical irrationalism, suspicious of science and Enlightenment values, that would soon become an accomplice to the rise of fascism.
O ensaio traz como base a crítica ao capitalismo, no que se refere aos efeitos negativos que ele impõe aos indivíduos, a partir dos estudos da primeira geração da Escola de Frankfurt. Analisar-se-á a história das ideias a partir de Walter Benjamin, Herbert Marcuse, Theodor Adorno e Max Horkheimer. Benjamin afirma que vive-se a perda da aura das obras de arte, já que a sua comercialização faz com que se perca a essência daquelas obras. Ademais, a imposição da novidade às obras e aos produtos consumidos representa uma ferramenta de manipulação do capitalismo, culminando na pobreza da experiência humana. Marcuse afirma que a sociedade vive o princípio do desempenho, que provoca modos de vida uniformizados, baseados numa concepção de trabalho e diversão homogêneos. Adorno propôs que o tempo livre provocava uma sensação de liberdade nos indivíduos, mas, na realidade, tratava-se do exercício de uma não liberdade, já que as formas de diversão seguiam à risca os padrões exigidos pelo capital. A partir do método adotado pela própria Teoria Crítica, afirma-se que a presente discussão teórica só se torna efetiva quando aplicada à prática, à sociedade atual.
Este estudo tem como finalidade analisar a perspectiva da arte como parte do aparato de dominação social, desenvolvida na obra A ideologia da sociedade industrial, de Herbert Marcuse. Para isso, utilizaremos como referência constante as teorias propostas pelos filósofos da Escola de Frankfurt, em especial Theodor W. Adorno e Max Horkheimer no que diz respeito, sobretudo, ao termo “indústria cultural”, cujo conceitoaparece no capítulo homônimo de Adialética do esclarecimento. Apoiaremo-nos também na tese de doutorado de Imaculada Kangussu, intituladaLeis da liberdade: as relações entre Estética e Política na Filosofia de Herbert Marcuse,e, ainda, nas demais obras marcuseanas, com destaque para Erose Civilização: uma interpretação filosófica do pensamento de Freud.
This paper intends to present some considerations on a possible epistemology of noise as a response to theory of recognition and its bases on theory of communicative action. The principal movement will be to recover some aspects of Marcuse’s and Foucault’s perspective on the disturbances narratives in social sphere. The interest for them becomes stronger from Habermas’ perspective on their “performative contradicions”. Both of them would appeal to social aspects that escapes from critical normativities. Foucault’s structures of power as well as Marcuse’s psychoanalytical drives would represent aspects of the same Habermasian problem: the absence of auto-critical rationality. However, we can question: what would offer to the two authors the limits of communicative action?
The papers here collected are divided in an English and an Italian section, to facilitate the reader who is confident, or prefers, only one of these languages. In both sections, Critical Theory is addressed in a twofold way: as regards its origins in the so-called School of Frankfurt and as concerns its further and contemporary developments, from an interdisciplinary perspective.
Critical Theory offers a new way to understand not only the society, but also the individual. In particular, I will focus on the thought of Adorno and his conception of society.
First, I want to investigate the Adornian description of society in its totalitarian face and in its paradoxical relationship with the individual. The individual, first element of society, without which any society cannot be imaged, paradoxically finds – in the society – its liquidation and destruction.
Secondly, I want to consider the Adornian revolutionary statement in a conversation with Horkheimer of a need of a “New Manifesto”. Do we need it even today? Would be really possible a new Marxian society in our world? The attempt to answer to those questions will conclude my paper.
The evolution of Critical Theory in the thought of Jürgen Habermas has important consequences for political questions, influencing the actual intellectual debate. This paper examines the main works and studies of Habermas about the epistemology of social sciences, the critique of late capitalist society, the public sphere and democracy, and proposes a comparison with the positions of Jacques Derrida, to have a better comprehension of this evolution.
Critical Theory is the key-word representing all the universe of thought commonly known as „Frankfurt School”. Within it, Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno and Herbert Marcuse are not so far each other, as instead are Max Horkheimer and Marcuse – considering what I in this paper define as the conservative turn of the director of the Institut für Sozialforschung. Whereas Adorno refuses any engagement in the political and lives as an obsession the theory-praxis relation, Marcuse is closer to a certain critical Marxism and to the student movements of Sixities and Seventhies. The crucial issue of the theory-praxis relation comes back clearly in the distance between Marcuse and the other two maîtres à penser, about their judgment on the ’68 movement.
The one-dimensionality of econometric data: the Frankfurt School and the critique of quantification
(2020)
Econometric data are used to produce authoritative facts about the world. Yet, as numbers enjoy a central place in modern reasoning (particularly in government as their presumed objectivity and neutrality assist impartial decision-making), it is important that they receive scrutiny. Using methodological techniques from Western Marxism, with special reference to the work of Lukács, Horkheimer and Adorno, and Marcuse to inform a critique of Acemoglu and Robinson, I argue that the historical emergence of econometrics as a mode of mediated knowledge is a reified practice within the broader technical administration of social life, a practice that is not a transparent representation of social phenomena. This is because when econometrics transforms the thing being measured into a statistical indicator it eclipses political disputes with technical disputes, sidestepping good faith democratic deliberation about what goods are worth pursuing. Effectively, one-dimensional thought cannot perceive the origins of items put into circulation and so ideology is produced – what seems value-free is value-laden.
Este artigo pretende analisar o efeito da operação de enquadramento editorial levada a cabo pela Editora Sur, vinculada à Revista Sur, na circulação do repertório frankfurtiano na Argentina da década de 1960. Ao traduzirem e divulgarem autores como Adorno, Horkheimer e Benjamin, a partir de sua posição específica no campo cultural argentino, a coleção Estudios Alemanes contribui para que seus autores sejam desvinculados da tradição marxista e alocados em uma categoria mais ampla de “pensamento alemão”. Com isso, a circulação desses autores fica restritra a certo público, já cativo da perspectiva teórica e política da Revista Sur. Neste artigo, descrevo a coleção nos marcos da difusão mais ampla da tradição alemã no campo letrado argentino, atentando para os deslocamentos de prestígio que ela mobiliza e, sobretudo, para a composição de uma “atitude intelectual” que, a despeito do conteúdo dos textos em circulação, condiciona a recepção e ressignificação dos textos frankfurtianos.
The essay focuses on the impact of Marcuse’s Eros and Civilization in Germany in 1968. First, the essay discusses how Freud’s theory was used in the late twenties at the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt. Then, it focuses on how certain of Adorno and Horkheimer’s ideas were developed in Eros and Civilization. Finally, it shows how Marcuse’s work became relevant for the intellectual development of the student movement in Germany.
Historiadora do cinema, Miriam Hansen examinou e sistematizou as contribuições de Siegfried Kracauer, Walter Benjamin e Theodor Adorno para a teorização do cinema. Nesta pesquisa bibliográfica, buscamos sintetizar e apresentar aos leitores de língua portuguesa o desenvolvimento de sua investigação sobre o tema. Mostramos como Hansen foi capaz de identificar as principais diferenças entre os teóricos frankfurtianos, bem como evidenciar que eles, em comum, pensaram este fenômeno cultural contemporâneo em relação às condições sociais e econômicas de produção. Em suas reflexões, o cinema aparece como expressão da sociedade urbano-industrial, como um elemento sintomático da cultura de massa.
Dialéctica del Iluminismo, de T.W. Adorno y Max Horkheimer, puede llevar a la confusión de entender pensamiento y razón como términos indiferenciados. Este vínculo tiende a establecerse a través de un mecanismo de metonimia que remite uno al otro como si ambos fueran semejantes. Sin embargo, la primera dificultad al confundir ambos términos y la misma dificultad de Horkheimer en su Crítica de la razón instrumental es la de establecer la diferencia entre razón objetiva y metafísica, así como ubicar valorativamente al mito en esta segunda categoría. El presente trabajo explora las claves que permiten operar la igualación del mito a Iluminismo y la reducción de ambos a metafísica en el pensamiento de la Escuela de Frankfurt.
A publicação deste polêmico artigo é uma homenagem de Lua Nova aos oitenta anos de História e Consciência de Classe, de Georg Lukács. Seu autor faz um resgate do jovem Lukács, identificando os pressupostos e idéias que tornam esse livro de 1923 não tanto filosoficamente, mas politicamente, um feito revolucionário, em sintonia com o ''Evento de 1917'' na Rússia. Zizek entende que é justamente seu teor político, o qual aponta para uma crítica radical dos regimes liberal-democráticos predominantes no Ocidente, que o mantém atual, nesse sentido ultrapassando os limites auto-impostos dos autores da Dialética do esclarecimento.
O presente trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar algumas idéias sobre o tema do treinamento corporal e sua relação com o domínio da natureza. Para isso apresenta-se a teoria da formação do sujeito e da civilização desenvolvida por Theodor W. Adorno e Max Horkheimer, sobretudo na Dialética do esclarecimento. A ênfase recai sobre o papel do sacrifício nesse processo, e a relação deste com o corpo. A partir daí procura-se entender o esporte, e dentro dele o treinamento corporal, com vistas a desenvolver uma análise daquele baseada na lógica sacrificial e na correspondente redução do corpo a uma naturalidade desqualificada e fungível.
Plato's allegory of the cave set a fashion for philosophy, i.e. to distinguish between appearance and reality. This fashion is still distinguishable in the work of two philosophers whose social critiques, at a first glance, are worlds apart: Herman Dooyeweerd of the Free University in Amsterdam, and Theodor Adorno o f the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University in Frankfurt. Upon a closer look, however, many similarities appear. Their diagnoses of Western society probes beneath the beguiling surface of scientific and technological progress to reveal serious tensions deeply embedded in Western culture. The question arises: how conscious are they of their own embeddedness in this cultural crisis? Dooyeweerd and Adorno are analysed on this issue, and the conclusion shows Dooyeweerd’s philosophy to suffer from an intellectual hybris, whereas Adorno’s is portrayed as burdened with a paralysing aestheticism. The result of this critical analysis of Dooyeweerd and Adorno is a suggestion to rehabilitate the tradition of Christian thinking as an ongoing debate between rival interpretations of the biblical message, which offers creative opportunities to respond to cultural crises and the suffering they entail.
This paper analyses economic power, state power and ideological power in the age of Donald Trump with the help of critical theory. It applies the critical theory approaches of thinkers such as Franz Neumann, Theodor W. Adorno and Erich Fromm. It analyses changes of US capitalism that have together with political anxiety and demagoguery brought about the rise of Donald Trump. This article draws attention to the importance of state theory for understanding Trump and the changes of politics that his rule may bring about. It is in this context important to see the complexity of the state, including the dynamic relationship between the state and the economy, the state and citizens, intra-state relations, inter-state relations, semiotic representations of and by the state, and ideology. Trumpism and its potential impacts are theorised along these dimensions. The ideology of Trump (Trumpology) has played an important role not just in his business and brand strategies, but also in his political rise. The (pseudo-)critical mainstream media have helped making Trump and Trumpology by providing platforms for populist spectacles that sell as news and attract audiences. By Trump making news in the media, the media make Trump. An empirical analysis of Trump’s rhetoric and the elimination discourses in his NBC show The Apprentice underpins the analysis of Trumpology. The combination of Trump’s actual power and Trump as spectacle, showman and brand makes his government’s concrete policies fairly unpredictable. An important question that arises is what social scientists’ role should be in the conjuncture that the world is experiencing.
There has been a burgeoning interest in the sociology of the Frankfurt School as well as the oeuvre of Theodor W. Adorno since the 2016 presidential campaign of Donald J. Trump. The objectives of this study are to both illustrate the enduring importance of Adorno and to provide an important theoretical outline in making sense of Trump’s 2016 United States presidential campaign. Using Adorno’s understudied textual analysis of the radio addresses of Martin Luther Thomas and data from Trump’s 2016 US presidential campaign, we find that Trump’s own discourse can be condensed into three of Adorno’s rhetorical devices: (1) the lone wolf device or anti-statism/pseudo-conservatism, reflecting his criticism of "special interests" and his appraisal of business and (self-)finance; (2) the movement device, which amounted to glorification of action; and (3) the exactitude of error device which amounted to xenophobic, ethnonationalist hyperbole.
Die gegenwärtige Krise der Demokratie wird besonders sichtbar in der "symbolischen Dimension politischer Repräsentation". Diese Auffassung vertritt Paula Diehl in ihrem Aufsatz Demokratische Repräsentation und ihre Krise. "In Bildern, Inszenierungen und Diskursen werden sowohl demokratisierende als auch antidemokratische Konzepte 'getestet'. Erfahren sie Resonanz in der Öffentlichkeit und in der Bevölkerung, kann sich die Lage in die eine oder in die andere Richtung entwickeln. Denn Symbole aktivieren Vorstellungen über die politische Ordnung, Repräsentanten, Bürgerinnen und Bürger, über den Staat und auch darüber, wie politische Institutionen funktionieren sollen." So Paula Diehl im besagten Aufsatz, der Überlegungen bündelt, die sie in ihrer Studie Das Symbolische, das Imaginäre und die Demokratie. systematisch entfaltet hat. In dieser Arbeit analysiert Diehl den Zusammenhang zwischen den normativen Strukturen und der symbolischen Praxis eines demokratisch verfassten politischen Gemeinwesens. Beide bedingen sich gegenseitig. Die normative Struktur einer Gesellschaft findet den Grund ihrer Geltung und der Stabilität in der symbolischen Praxis; diese wiederum muss begriffen werden als Ausdruck der Prinzipien und Regeln der normativen Grundstruktur. Eine Krise des Politischen ist zu verstehen als Resultat und Ausdruck einer Störung in diesem wechselseitigen Bedingungsverhältnis von normativer Struktur und symbolischer Praxis der politischen Gemeinschaft. ...
Die normative Assoziierung von Technikfolgenabschätzung (TA) mit der Habermas‘schen deliberativen Demokratietheorie ist weit verbreitet; eine tiefere Auseinandersetzung mit alternativen Demokratieverständnissen bleibt allerdings weitestgehend aus. Daher regt dieser Beitrag eine grundsätzliche Debatte über die demokratietheoretische Einbettung der TA und ihr Verhältnis zum Politischen an. Aufbauend auf der u. a. in dieser Zeitschrift geführten Diskussion über die (Un)Möglichkeit normativer Neutralität in der TA wird eine weiterführende Kritik am Anspruch der TA auf normative Fundierung hergeleitet. Mit der pluralen und radikalen Demokratietheorie von Laclau und Mouffe werden gesellschaftstheoretische Annahmen der an deliberativer Demokratie orientierten TA hinterfragt, und es wird für eine Politisierung und Pluralisierung der TA argumentiert
Am anderen Ende derWelt, in einem argentinischen Städtchen im Bundesstaat Buenos Aires, versetzten die epochalen Ereignisse in Europa nach dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs den Bürger Dinko Šakić in Entzücken. Fünfzig Jahre nachdem er aus seiner Heimat geflüchtet war, führten die tektonischen Umwälzungen nach dem Ende des Kommunismus und der europäischen Teilung sogar zur staatlichen Verselbständigung seiner einstigen Heimat Kroatien – zu einer jahrzehntelang nicht einmal im Traum denkbaren Entwicklung. Dinko Šakić setzte sich daraufhin öffentlich für seine frühere Heimat ein. Es fiel ihm gar nicht ein, dass ihn seine Vergangenheit einholen könnte. Wahrscheinlich weil er "ein gutes Gewissen" hatte, ein von ihm gern benutzter Ausdruck, oder weil er in der jungen Republik Kroatien eine Art Fortsetzung jenes Staatsgebildes sah, dem er in seiner Jugend "gedient" hatte (auch ein beliebter Ausdruck Šakićs). In der größten lateinamerikanischen Kroatengemeinde in Argentinien gab es wahrscheinlich nichts, was ihn zur Vorsicht hätte mahnen können. Er schien die Öffentlichkeit geradezu gesucht, womöglich sogar eine Anerkennung erwartet zu haben. Bei einem Empfang zu Ehren des kroatischen Präsidenten während dessen Staatsbesuchs in Argentinien wurde Šakić von Journalisten beobachtet, wie er Tudjman nicht von der Seite weichen wollte, was diesen sichtlich irritierte und zu Hause für Empörung sorgte. Šakić, der sich selbst bei mehreren Gelegenheiten als glühenden kroatischen Nationalisten schilderte, weshalb er schon als Jugendlicher Anhänger der Ustascha-Organisation geworden sei, ahnte offensichtlich nicht, dass seine Art der Heimatliebe dort Entsetzen hervorrufen würde. ...
Für den Politikwissenschaftler Herfried Münkler ist Solidarität das "Stiefkind der Moralphilosophie, aber auch der Gesellschaftstheorie". Die Sache, so Münkler in dem von Beckert, Eckert, Kohli, Streeck vorzüglich edierten Tagungsband, sei offenbar "nicht sonderlich theoriefähig". So habe Kant, der Philosoph der Französischen Revolution, kurzerhand die Brüderlichkeit aus der Trias Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité entfernt und durch den schnöden Besitzindividualismus der Selbständigkeit substituiert. Genauso in der Theorie der Gesellschaft, in der die Prominenz des Solidaritätsbegriffs bei "Émile Durkheim (…) eine der wenigen Ausnahmen" darstelle. ...
In this article, we hypothesize, and then demonstrate, that experiences of embarrassment have significantly increased in the United States, due in part, to the current situation in American politics under President Donald Trump. We provide support for our hypothesis by conducting both qualitative and quantitative analyses of Twitter posts in the U.S. obtained from the Crimson Hexagon database. Next, based on literature from social psychology, social neuroscience, and political theory, we propose a two-step process explaining why Trump's behavior has caused people in the U.S. to feel more embarrassment. First, compared to former representatives, Trump violates social norms in a manner that seems intentional, and second, these intentional norm violations specifically threaten the social integrity of in-group members—in this case, U.S. citizens. We discuss how these norm violations relate to the behavior of currently represented citizens and contextualize our rationale in recent changes of political representation and the public sphere. We conclude by proposing that more frequent, nation-wide experiences of embarrassment on behalf of the representative may motivate political actions to prevent further harm to individuals' self-concepts and protect social integrity.
Hauke Brunkhorst
(2009)
Hauke Brunkhorst ist ein deutscher Soziologe, geboren 1945 in Marne (Holstein). Er studierte Deutsche Literaturwissenschaft, Philosophie, Erziehungswissenschaft und Soziologie in Kiel, Freiburg und Frankfurt. 1978 wurde er promoviert (Praxisbezug und Theoriebildung). 1982 folgte seine Habilitation im Fach Erziehungswissenschaft an der Universität Frankfurt, 1985 die Habilitation im Fach Soziologie ebendort. Von 1985 bis 1997 hatte er Professuren und Gastprofessuren am IAS in Wien und an den Universitäten Frankfurt, Duisburg und der FU Berlin inne. 1995 bis 1997 war Brunkhorst Research Fellow des Kulturwissenschaftlichen Instituts des Wissenschaftszentrums Nordrhein-Westfalen. Seit 1997 ist er Professor für Soziologie an der Universität in Flensburg.
Der Beitrag arbeitet die moralische Subjektivierungsform ökonomischer Verschuldung heraus. In Auseinandersetzung mit Friedrich Nietzsche, Max Weber und Pierre Bourdieu wird argumentiert, dass die Form der Verschuldung durch eine spezifische Zeitlichkeit geprägt ist. Die zentrale These lautet, dass sich das Zeitregime von Schuld und Schulden als paradox erweist: Einerseits ermöglicht die moderne "Entzauberung der Welt" (Max Weber) eine Öffnung auf gesellschaftliche Zukünfte hin und diese temporale Öffnung bildet auch eine notwendige Bedingung kapitalistischer Investitionstätigkeiten. Andererseits verstellt das gegenwärtige rigide Zeitregime der Schuld(en) jedoch die Möglichkeit subjektiver und politischer neuer Anfänge in der Zeit, da die Verschuldung eine Dynamik der ökonomischen Determinierung gegenwärtiger Handlungsoptionen durch den Zwang zur Rückzahlung ins Werk setzt.
Ten years ago, neuroscientists began to study cultural phenomena by using functional MRI. Since then the number of publications in this field, termed cultural neuroscience (CN), has tremendously increased. In these studies, particular concepts of culture are implied, but rarely explicitly discussed. We argue that it is necessary to make these concepts a topic of debate in order to unravel the foundations of CN. From 40 fMRI studies we extracted two strands of reasoning: models investigating universal mechanisms for the formation of cultural groups and habits and, models assessing differences in characteristics among cultural groups. Both strands simplify culture as an inflexible set of traits and specificities. We question this rigid understanding of culture and highlight its hidden evaluative nature.
Luis de Molina (1535-1600) grants slaves a legal status through which they can take up a position with respect to their masters between equivalent legal entity and legal object. Here, what is decisive is the figure of the subjective right, which both for Molina and modern proponents of this legal concept describes the 'right per se'. According to Molina's definition of ius, the denial of a subjective right or the hindrance of exercising an individual right represents an injustice. The rights granted to a slave in virtue of his being regarded a human being (despite the condition of slavery) serve to protect the slave against unjust acts. Molina does not distinguish the slave as a legal entity as separate from his master insofar as the slave should be protected against injustices committed against him or his property; injustices for which he would be entitled to compensation. Yet, the slave is not able to stake his claim to a particular right because it is not possible for him to take the matter to court. His natural law justified coequal legal status with respect to his master is limited in such a way by the positive legal order (by means of which slavery is generally made possible) that he is to be held legally incompetent as a legal entity with regard to defending and enforcing his 'qua homo'-legal rights. This precarious situation is due to the complicated legal intermediate position of a human legal entity, which, at the same time, represents the legal object of another person.
Noumenal Power
(2014)
In political or social philosophy, we speak about power all the time. Yet the meaning of this important concept is rarely made explicit, especially in the context of normative discussions. But as with many other concepts, once one considers it more closely, fundamental problems arise, such as whether a power relation is necessarily a relation of subordination and domination. In the following, I suggest a novel understanding of what power is and what it means to exercise it.
The article introduces a research project financed by the Academy of Sciences and Literature Mainz began in 2013 and will extend over an 18-year period. It aims at producing a historical-semantic dictionary elucidating central terms of the School of Salamanca's discourses and their significance for modern political theory and jurisprudence. The project's fundament will be a digital corpus of important texts from the School of Salamanca which will be linked up with the dictionary's online version. By making the source corpus accessible in searchable full text (as well as in high quality digital images), the project is creating a new research tool with exciting possibilities for further investigations. The dictionary will be a valuable source of information for the interdisciplinary research carried out in this field.
Das im Jahr 2013 begonnene und für einen Zeitraum von 18 Jahren konzipierte Forschungsvorhaben zielt auf die Erstellung eines historisch-semantischen Wörterbuchs zum Denken der Schule von Salamanca und ihrer Bedeutung für politische Theorie und Recht in der Moderne. Als Grundlage dieses Wörterbuchs wird ein digitales Corpus von zentralen Texten der Schule von Salamanca aufgebaut, das mit der elektronischen Version des Wörterbuchs verknüpft ist und der internationalen und interdisziplinären Forschergemeinschaft direkten Zugriff auf die einschlägigen Quellentexte ermöglicht. Durch die Volltexterschließung der digitalen Quellen wird zugleich ein in seiner Funktionalität neuartiges elektronisches Arbeitsinstrument geschaffen, das einen wichtigen Fortschritt gegenüber allen bisherigen Digitalisierungsprojekten in diesem Bereich darstellt. Dieses Arbeitsinstrument wird auch über seine Funktionalität für das zu erstellende Wörterbuch hinaus qualitativ neue Forschungsmöglichkeiten eröffnen.
Beides – Wörterbuch und Quellencorpus – werden in einem repository erfasst und über eine Webseite als Forschungsinstrument der internationalen scientific community zur Verfügung gestellt. Das Wörterbuch wird zum Schluss der letzten Arbeitsphase zusätzlich in Buchform publiziert. Die weltweite Forschung zur Schule von Salamanca und zu ihrer Wirkungsgeschichte wird damit zum ersten Mal Zugriff auf ein gemeinsames Textcorpus haben und über einen intellektuellen Referenzrahmen für dessen historische Unter-suchung und interdisziplinäre Diskussion verfügen.
Dieser Beitrag soll Ausgangslage und Zielsetzung des Vorhabens zusammenfassen (1.), das geplante Quellencorpus (2.), das Wörterbuch (3.) und den Arbeitsplan (4.) vorstellen.
Os limites da tolerância
(2009)
Este artigo apresenta os elementos constitutivos do conceito de tolerância e discute duas concepções diferentes do termo, como permissão e como respeito moral, que expressam modos diversos de demarcar os limites da tolerância. A tolerância é apresentada como um conceito que, para ganhar algum conteúdo, depende normativamente de um direito à justificação baseado na idéia de um uso público da razão segundo o qual as práticas e as instituições político-jurídicas que determinam a vida social dos cidadãos devem ser justificáveis à luz de normas que eles não podem recíproca e genericamente rejeitar.
Der Text Konstitutive Regeln – normativ oder nicht? Ein Blick auf ihre Rolle in Praktiken geht der Frage nach, ob – und wenn ja, in welcher Weise – konstitutive Regeln normativ sind. Die Herausforderung besteht darin, dass diese Regeln bzw. ihre Befolgung womöglich durchweg in nicht-normativen Begriffen beschrieben werden können – nämlich im Wesentlichen als Erfüllung notwendiger und/oder hinreichender Bedingungen. Natürlich kann man, aus welchen Gründen auch immer, jederzeit fordern, einer konstitutiven Regel Folge zu leisten. Aber damit würde Normativität ‚von außen‘ an solche Regeln herangetragen; in Frage steht aber, ob diese Regeln selbst normativ sind. Für eine derartige ‚interne‘ Normativität spricht sicherlich unser Umgang mit diesen Regeln und auch unser alltägliches Reden über sie. So beschreiben wir in unserer Alltagspraxis etwa das Befolgen von Spielregeln (als Paradebeispiele für konstitutive Regeln) als etwas, das korrekt ist oder getan werden soll – und Abweichungen entsprechend als Verletzungen. Der Überlegungsgang des Textes ist zweigeteilt: In einem ersten Schritt werden einige Arten von konstitutiven Regeln unterschieden. Der systematische Ertrag dieser begrifflichen Überlegungen besteht in dem Vorschlag, dass manche Arten von konstitutiven Regeln ganz problemlos als auch normative Phänomene charakterisierbar sind, andere hingegen nicht. In einem zweiten Schritt wird vor allem zu zeigen versucht, dass einige der wirklichen ‚Problemfälle‘ konstitutiver Regeln zumindest als schwach-normative Regeln beschrieben werden können (im Unterschied zu stark-normativen Phänomenen wie Verpflichtungen oder Verbote). Die ‚schwache Normativität‘ dieser Regeln kommt zum Vorschein, wenn man ihre Rolle in Praktiken betrachtet – insbesondere die Art und Weise, wie sich Akteure in diesen Praktiken unter Berufung auf konstitutive Regeln kritisieren, ohne sich dabei bereits als verpflichtet zu behandeln, diese Regeln zu befolgen.