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Sprache ist der Grundstein in der Bildung und im Zusammenhalt soziokultureller Gruppen. Jedoch wird sie auch so von der Gruppe beeinflusst, dass sich verschiedene soziokulturelle Konventionen unbewusst in den sprachlichen Beiträgen von Mitgliedern solcher Gruppen widerspiegeln. Bei Interaktionen zwischen Sprechern verschiedener Kulturen können Unstimmigkeiten der Erwartungen in Bezug auf den Konversationsstil zu Missverständnissen führen, sowie zu Konflikten und sogar zur Bildung bzw. Verstärkung von Stereotypen. Ziel dieses Aufsatzes ist, einige Beispiele und Überlegungen bezüglich der Beziehung zwischen Konversationsstil und Interkulturalität in Anlehnung an den Ausdruck von Dissens zu präsentieren.
The present article analyzes the development of the system of spatial prepositions in the acquisition of German as a foreign language by Brazilian learners. The study is based on a corpus of written language data produced by students in the undergraduate course in Letras, collected from 1996 to 1998. The theoretical bases of the study are theories of second language acquisition, cognitive processing of space, and the linguistic encoding of spatial relations through prepositions. The main section of the analysis begins with the quantitative evaluation of the occurrences of spatial prepositions found in the data. Subsequently, each preposition found in the corpus is individually discussed in relation to its correct and incorrect uses. The main results are a steady increase in the number of spatial prepositions used by the subjects from the first year to the fourth year of the course, an increase in the variation of the use of these prepositions, and a constant reduction of the percentage of incorrect uses. In the first phase, acquisition can be seen in the increasing specificity of the semantic oppositions involved in neutralizations, whereas in the second phase, a quantitative reduction of errors can be found.
This paper presents a definition of phraseology, and based on this definition it establishes the different types of phraseological units. Then it tries to characterize the idiomatic expression as a metaphoric expression within the scope of phraseologisms, and presents a morpho-syntactic classification of these idioms. The next step consists of a comparison between verbal idiomatic expressions in German and Brazilian Portuguese in order to establish a typology of equivalences between the two languages. It also compares same type of. restrictions which occur in idiomatic expressions of both languages, and emphasizes the importance of register in some of the expressions.
Two main types of sentences are traditionally distinguished in the context of semantic theories of questions and answers: declarative sentences, corresponding to statements, and interrogative sentences, corresponding to questions. The interrogative forms can be further subdivided into dialectical ones (yes-no-questions) and non-dialectical ones (constituent questions). These distinctions are made for both root and embedded sentences. The predicates that select sentential complements fall into three classes: predicates that license only declaratives, those that allow only for interrogatives, and those that embed both types of sentences. In this connection, verbs of doubt are interesting in that they allow for declaratives as well as dialectical interrogatives, while non-dialectical interrogatives do not seem to be appropriate complements.
In what follows, our main concern will be with the German verb of doubt zweifeln and its possible sentential complements. Speaker intuitions as to which constructions are grammatical or acceptable vary, particularily with respect to rare expressions like zweifeln. Therefore, interviews and corpus analysis were applied as a means to acquire reliable linguistic data. These as well as data from historical sources and from some languages other than German (esp. English and Italian) are presented and analysed. In the last section, based on the notion of ‘subjective probability’, an attempt is made at explaining the observations.
This paper reports results from a series of experiments that investigated whether semantic and/or syntactic complexity influences young Dutch children’s production of past tense forms. The constructions used in the three experiments were (i) simple sentences (the Simple Sentence Experiment), (ii) complex sentences with CP complements (the Complement Clause Experiment) and (iii) complex sentences with relative clauses (the Relative Clause Experiment). The stimuli involved both atelic and telic predicates. The goal of this paper is to address the following questions.
Q1. Does semantic complexity regarding temporal anchoring influence the types of errors that children make in the experiments? For example, do children make certain types of errors when a past tense has to be anchored to the Utterance Time (UT), as compared to when it has to be anchored to the matrix topic time (TT)?
Q2. Do different syntactic positions influence children’s performance on past-tense production? Do children perform better in the Simple Sentence Experiment compared to complex sentences involving two finite clauses (the Complement Clause Experiment and the Relative Clause Experiment)? In complex sentence trials, do children perform differently when the CPs are complements vs. when the CPs are adjunct clauses? (Lebeaux 1990, 2000)
Q3. Do Dutch children make more errors with certain types of predicate (such as atelic predicates)? Alternatively, do children produce a certain type of error with a certain type of predicates (such as producing a perfect aspect with punctual predicates)? Bronckart and Sinclair (1973), for example, found that until the age of 6, French children showed a tendency to use passé composé with perfective events and simple present with imperfective events; we will investigate whether or not the equivalent of this is observed in Dutch.
Glide formation, a process whereby an underlying high front vowel is realized as a palatal glide, is shown to occur only in unstressed prevocalic position in German, and to be blocked by specific surface restrictions such as *ji and *ʁj. Traditional descriptions of glide formation (including derivational as well as Optimality theoretic approaches) refer to the syllable in order to capture its conditions. The present study illustrates that glide formation (plus the distribution of long and short tense /i/) in German can better be captured in a Functional Phonology account (Boersma 1998) which makes reference to stress instead of the syllable and thus overcomes problems of former approaches.
In this article, the so-called wh-relative clause construction is investigated. The German wh-relative clauses are syntactically relevant as they show both, root clause and subordinate clause properties. They matter semantically because they are introduced by a wh-anaphor that has to be resolved by an appropriate abstract entity of the matrix clause. Additionally, the wh-relative clause construction is discourse-functionally peculiar since it evokes coherence. Besides these interesting empirical characteristics, whrelatives raise important theoretical questions. It is argued that the standard HPSG theory has to be extended to account for non-restrictive relative clauses in general, and to cope with the particular properties of the wh-relative construction.
It is a much-debated issue whether one should assume separate lexical entries for participles used in passive and perfect constructions or whether there is just one lexical entry that is used in different ways depending on whether a passive or perfect auxiliary is present in the clause.
In previous work I criticized approaches trying to analyze the passive with one lexical entry for making empirically wrong predictions and suggested a lexical-rule based approach were two different lexical items for the participle are licensed.
In this paper I show how Heinz and Matiasek's (1994) formalizations of Haider's (1986) ideas can be extended and modified in a way that both modal infinitives and control constructions can be captured correctly. The suggested analysis needs only one lexical item for participles, base form infinitives, and zu infinitives irrespective of their usage in active or passive like structures.