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U radu se daje analiza i prikaz tvorbenoga sustava umanjenica u kajkavskome narječju. Analiza je provedena na primjerima iz objavljenih dijalektoloških opisa govora, kajkavskih rječnika te iz vlastite građe. U tvorbenome se opisu polazi sa sinkronijskoga stanovišta, a povijesnojezične se napomene donose tek sporadično. Navode se svi u građi potvrđeni sufiksi za tvorbu umanjenica muškoga, srednjega i ženskoga roda. Uz svaku se tvorbenu kategoriju navode i jezične značajke koje se odnose na glasovne promjene na granici osnove i sufiksa.
U ovome su radu obradena 232 obiteljska nadimka u Puciscima na otoku Bracu. Obiteljski su nadimci, kao dodatan vid identifikacije koji se razvio još u pretprezimenskome razdoblju, a kasnije je sve zastupljeniji zbog brojnosti nositelja pojedinih prezimena, svojevrsni specifikum hrvatskih otoka koji dosad nije dostatno proucen. U Puciscima se obiteljski nadimci bilježe od konca 16. st. te se na temelju njihove motivacije može djelomicno rekonstruirati fond osobnih imena (odnos hrvatskih narodnih imena te hrvatskih i novijih romanskih prilagodenica kršcanskih imena), vanjština (posebice tjelesne mane), karakterne crte (uglavnom nekonvencionalne) te podrijetlo i svakodnevni život Puciscana. Fond je obiteljskih nadimaka znatno otvoreniji inojezicnim sustavima (poglavito romanskim) te je odraz svojevrsne tisucljetne hrvatsko-romanske simbioze na istocnoj obali Jadranskoga mora.
There are two main approaches to change of state verbs. One adopts an approach in terms of a total change (becomeP, for base predicate P), i.e., a change from not being in the extension of the base predicate to being in it. The other adopts an approach in terms of a relative change (becomemore P, for base predicate P), i.e., a change for a theme in which it increases in the extent to which it holds the property denoted by the base predicate. Different languages have been analyzed using one or the other approach. I argue that both proposals are actually appropriate for analyzing related but not (completely) overlapping phenomena in the domain of derived change of state verbs in the very same language. This proposal is based on the discussion of change of state verbs in Southern Aymara that are derived with the suffixes -pta and -ra. I show that verbs with -pta convey the meaning of total change and that verbs with -ra convey the meaning of relative change. I further discuss how expressions with -pta and -ra interact: expressions with -ra implicate that the theme does not change from not being in the extension of the base to being in it. I propose an account in terms of scalar implicatures in which -pta and -ra are lexical alternatives, thus extending the domain of linguistic phenomena for which the computation of scalar implicatures is relevant.
The phenomenon discussed in this paper is the so-called expletive negation in negated yes/no questions in Serbo-Croatian. The term expletive negation seems, at this point to be a useful descriptive term for the phenomenon in question. One of the goals of this paper, however, is to show that it is not the correct one. Proposing the existence of semantically vacuous negation is the consequence of the assumption that sentential negation has a fixed position in the clausal hierarchy (Brown and Franks 1995). This approach cannot account for the relevant data in Serbo-Croatian. My claim is that the cases under consideration involve an alternative position of NegP in Serbo-Croatian, above TP. It is confined to the derivation of one semantic type of negated yes/no interrogatives, and it cannot trigger negative concord.
The article analyzes the accentuation of western South Slavic l-participles of verbal stems ending in an occlusive that are formed by adding the formant *-l- directly to the stem, e.g. *nes-lъ, Croatian nȅsao, Slovene nesel. Data from Slovene, Čakavian, Kajkavian and Štokavian dialects are compared and discussed against the background of late Proto-Slavic and early dialectal accentual and phonological changes. The operation of accentological changes such as Dybo’s law, Stang’s law and the rise of the neocircumflex, as well as the reduction of weak jers caused alternations in tone, vowel-length and position of the ictus. These alterations could be analogically eliminated or extended at different times and in different areas during the linguistic history of western South Slavic, thus causing the rise of some of the earliest isoglosses in the area in which western South Slavic is spoken.
In a recent article of major importance (2013), Tijmen Pronk has treated the accentuation of l-participles of the type neslъ in western South Slavic. Pronk points out correctly that Dybo’s law did not shift the accent onto final jers, e.g. in *kòņь, *bòbъ, and that the short vowel was preserved in Slovak osem < *òsmь, oheň < *ògņь, mohol < *mòglъ. Contrary to what Pronk claims, Slovene nę́sǝlis the phonetic reflex of *néslъ < *neslъ̀, Slovak niesol. The Slovene doublets (v)ǫ̑gǝl < *ǫ̀glь and (v)ózǝl < *ǫ̀zlъ suggest an earlier paradigm with vǫ̑- < ǫ̑- in the nom.sg. form and ó- < *ǫ̀- in the oblique cases. The vowel of ógǝnj < *ògņь also stems from the oblique cases. The expected neo-circumflex in the nom.sg. form is actually attested in rę̑bǝr < *rèbrь beside rę́bǝr with the reflex of Stang’s law from the oblique cases. There is no reason to assume that the accent was not retracted at an early stage in *neslъ̀, nor is there any reason to assume that Dybo’s law shifted the accent to the final jer in *dòbrъ and *sèdmь, as Pronk claims.
On the Indo-European nature of non-Indo-European animals metaphor : the case of Chinese zoosemy
(2007)
This paper presents the analyses of transitivity and questions about transitivity in two languages (Rawang and Qiang) that have been described using very different definitions of transitivity, with a view to showing that each language must be analysed on its own terms, and so the criteria used for identifying transitivity, if it is to be identified at all, might be different between languages. In the case of these two languages it is at least partly due to the two languages differing in terms of the degree of systematicity of the marking, with the Rawang marking being more systematic.