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Rezension zu Bergerová, Hana/ Vaňková, Lenka et al. (2015): Lexikalische Ausdrucksmittel der Emotionalität im Deutschen und im Tschechischen. Ostrava: Universität Ostrava, 262 S., ISBN 978-80-7464-460-3
Die Publikation Lexikalische Ausdrucksmittel der Emotionalität im Deutschen und im Tschechischen entstand im Rahmen des von der Forschungsagentur der Tschechischen Republik (GA ČR) geförderten Projektes Ausdrucksmittel der Emotionalität im deutsch-tschechischen Sprachvergleich. An diesem Projekt haben Germanist(inn)en und Bohemist(inn)en der Universität Ostrava, der Masaryk-Universität in Brno und der Jan-Evangelista-Purkyně-Universität in Ústí nad Labem vier Jahre lang zusammen gearbeitet, wobei die besprochene Publikation nur einen Teil der Forschungsergebnisse vorstellt.
Jede Wortschatzschicht hat ihren begrifflichen Kern, und ebenso gilt dies auch für die politische Lexik, deren Schichtung sich aus der ständigen Entwicklung der Sprache und Gesellschaft ergibt. Diese Schichtung reflektiert aktuelle gesellschaftlich-politische Ereignisse. Benennungen von diesen landeskundlichen Gegebenheiten - Politemen -, die Objekt unserer Untersuchungen sind, werden durch die Gesellschaftsentwicklung aktualisiert oder neu gebildet, d.h. sie sind durch den zeitlichen Kontext determiniert. Außerdem werden in unserem Beitrag mehrere Forschungsansätze von Sprache in der Politik, den Charakteristika und der Klassifikation der politikbezogenen Wörter behandelt.
U radu se raspravlja o leksikografskome statusu dvorječnih pozdrava dobro jutro, dobar dan, dobra večer i laku noć u hrvatskim rječnicima te se upućuje i na strane leksikografske pristupe. Naglasak je na značenjskim i komunikacijskim obilježjima pozdrava koja ih određuju kao posebnu leksičku skupinu te se predlaže da dvorječni pozdravi kao i jednorječni (zdravo, zbogom, doviđenja) postanu samostalne rječničke natuknice.
Životopis Mije Lončarića
(2011)
U radu se, na temelju terenskoga i arhivskoga istraživanja, obrađuje oko 300 toponima sela Orahovi Do u južnome dijelu Popova. U prvome se dijelu rada iznosi osvrt na demografske prilike. Navedeno je područje bilo izloženo velikim migracijama stanovništva zbog kojih ondje danas živi dvadeset puta manji broj stanovnika nego koncem 15. st. U drugome se dijelu rada iznosi mjestopis Orahova Dola i podatci o mjesnim rodovima. U trećemu se dijelu obrađuje mjesna toponimija u kojoj prevladavaju antroponimni toponimi.
V prispevku je predstavljeno slovensko narečno besedje za pomen ‘sinova žena’ v Slovenskem lingvističnem atlasu (SLA) v primerjavi s kajkavskim narečnim besedjem za ta pomen, zbranim za Hrvaški jezikovni atlas (HJA). Narečno gradivo, zbrano za ta dva temeljna nacionalna dialektološka projekta je namreč zanimivo tudi za raziskovanje slovensko-hrvaškega jezikovnega stika, saj zlasti v Pomurju in Medžimurju, v Posotelju, Beli krajini, na Kostelskem in v Gorskem kotarju ter v Istri jezika in njuna obmejna narečja bolj postopoma prehajajo eden v drugega in imajo zato mnoge skupne značilnosti tako na fonološki in morfološki kot tudi na leksikalni ravnini. Na primeru narečnega gradiva za vprašanji SLA-V614 snaha in HJA-V548 snaha, nevjesta je skupaj z morfonološko analizo in kartografskim prikazom prostorske razširjenosti narečnih leksemov predstavljen tudi način komentiranja narečnega gradiva v SLA.
U radu se opisuju posebnosti samoglasničkih, suglasničkih i naglasnih jezičnih značajka govora Medveje te se ističu neke jezične različitosti u odnosu na govor Kastva. Oba govora pripadaju sjeveroistočnomu istarskom poddijalektu ekavskoga dijalekta čakavskoga narječja. Rad se temelji na vlastitim terenskim istraživanjima Kastva i Medveje iz 2005. godine, na opsežnim fonološkim terenskim istraživanjima koje je prije petnaestak godina proveo dr. sc. Mijo Lončarić te na dijelu zapisa objavljenih u recentnoj dijalektološkoj literaturi.
Iz kajkavske frazeologije
(2011)
U radu se proučava kajkavska frazeologija na temelju prikupljanja kajkavskih, čakavskih i štokavskih frazema u stotinjak hrvatskih punktova prema posebno izrađenim upitnicima i u slobodnom razgovoru s ispitanicima u sklopu rada na projektu Istraživanje hrvatske dijalektne frazeologije i u suradnji s nekoliko generacija studenata Kroatistike Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu.
This paper offers an extensive analysis of the reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European word-initial cluster *sk- in Proto-Slavic. It is argued that the regular reflex of this cluster is the Proto-Slavic *x-, but that *sk- was analogously re-introduced in a great number of cases under the influence of prefixed forms and cases where forms with and without the so-called "s-mobile" co-existed in Slavic. This conclusion is in accordance with the fact that *x- < *sk- is far more common in derivationally isolated words that do not occur with prefixes.
Podravski kajkavski dijalekt
(2011)
Objavljene gramatike hrvatskoga kajkavskog književnog jezika pokušaj su, prije svega, olakšavanja učenja toga jezika strancima s njemačkoga govornog područja. Iako imaju opisni karakter, one su i ogledalo stupnja normiranosti hrvatskoga kajkavskog književnog jezika. U ovom radu donosi se opis i sistematizacija tvorbe komparativa u kajkavskim gramatikama.
Rad je detaljan nazivoslovni opis iz područja rodbinskih veza. Obuhvaća pregled naziva za bratova sina u trima komponentama hrvatskoga jezika: narječnoj građi, koja je raščlanjena, opisana i kartografirana; leksikografskoj građi, dijakronijskim pregledom priručnika od početka 17. stoljeća pa sve do suvremenih rječnika hrvatskoga standardnog jezika; te korpusu književnih djela pisanih hrvatskim jezikom. Pronađeno je desetak naziva: sinovac, bratanac, bratanić, braten, bratić, nećak, neput, nevodo. Izloženo je bogatstvo hrvatske leksičke baštine uz kartografski uvid u arealnu distribuciju pojedinih leksema na hrvatskome jezičnom prostoru.
U radu se analiziraju osobna imena u "Rječniku varaždinskoga kajkavskog govora" Tomislava Lipljina, najvećemu dosad tiskanomu rječniku jednoga suvremenoga kajkavskoga govora. Iz osobnoimenskih natuknica i osobito pomno biranih rečeničnih potvrda koje sadrže osobno ime iščitavaju se jezične i izvanjezične značajke te, u Lipljinovu Rječniku najzastupljenije, antroponimijske kategorije.
This paper presents doublets in the phonology and accentuation of a Kajkavian dialect in central Croatia, where all three major Croatian groups of dialects meet. Inconsistencies in the vowel and consonant systems are also noted. The second part considers the accentual system, its units and their distribution. Many fluctuations were noted, even with respect to retractions and special Kajkavian features. These are explained through influences of neihbouring local dialects and from the urban dialect of Karlovac and Standard Croatian.
Muška osobna imena u promini
(2011)
U radu se analiziraju definicije vrsta riječi u gramatici hrvatskoga kajkavskog književnog jezika Josipa Đurkovečkoga (Jezičnica horvatsko-slavinska, Pešta, 1826.). Razmatra se koje se vrste riječi opisuju u gramatici, koje hrvatske nazive autor upotrebljava pri njihovu imenovanju te se propituju načini opisa definicija vrsta riječi s posebnim obzirom na to temelje li se definicije na leksičko-semantičkome, morfološkome ili sintaktičkome planu. Analizom opisa vrsta riječi u gramatici J. Đurkovečkoga pokazuje se način promišljanja o jezičnim spoznajama i obilježja gramatičkoga diskursa u okviru povijesti hrvatske gramatikografije, posebice u domeni gramatika hrvatskoga kajkavskog književnog jezika.
Rad je svojevrsna autoričina zahvala dugogodišnjem kolegi i voditelju projekta dr. sc. Miji Lončariću. S obzirom na to da sam se dijalektologijom bavila više od 40 godina, opažam ubrzane jezične promjene koje zahvaćaju hrvatske mjesne govore. Književni tekstovi nerijetko postaju spomenici koji čuvaju starije jezično stanje. U radu se na temelju zbirka Zlatice Balas govori o čakavštini grižanskoga kraja. Dvije zbirke te autorice vrijedan su prinos očuvanju govora. Osobito su vrijedni leksički i naglasni podatci koji se nalaze u zbirkama.
U radu se razmatraju svi dosada poznati rukopisni primjerci / varijante rječnika zadarskoga kanonika Ivana Tanzlinghera Zanottija, uz ponovno čitanje svih znanstvenih članaka i studija o njima i vraćanje na riječi iz njegove oporuke. Opisuje se i rad na digitalizaciji i mrežnom objavljivanju jednoga od njih. Predstavlja se još jedan rukopisni primjerak njegova rječnika koji je 2009. godine otkriven u Zadru.
Cilj je ovoga rada opis zamjeničke deklinacije u jednom hrvatskoglagoljskom rukopisu, Akademijinu brevijaru iz 14. stoljeća, i potom usporedba sa stanjem u kanonskim starocrkvenoslavenskim rukopisima, zatim u hrvatskoglagoljskim fragmentima i liturgijskim rukopisima, u zbornicima, i na koncu u tiskanim brevijarima. Nadalje se na temelju proučene i izložene građe pokušava odgovoriti na pitanje postoji li razlika, i u kojoj mjeri, kod zamjeničkih oblika između prvoga (Psaltira) i drugoga dijela brevijara (Komunala), kao što je to već ustanovljeno za neke jezične razine, odnosno koliko je u drugome dijelu prisutan utjecaj narodnoga piščeva govora.
U radu se opisuju primjeri češće uporabe akuzativa bez prijedloga u suvremenim hrvatskim medijima i razgovornom jeziku. Primjeri se takve uporabe razvrstavaju u nekoliko skupina: 1. sintagme s nepunoznačnim glagolom i besprijedložnim akuzativom, 2. glagol + *imenska riječ (A) + imenska riječ (A) < glagol + od + imenska riječ (G) + imenska riječ (A), 3. neprijelazni glagol → prijelazni glagol. Među sintagmama s akuzativom promjene se primjećuju i u sljedećoj, 4. skupini: glagol + unutrašnji objekt → glagol + hiponimni objekt (rubni izravni objekt?). Pri opisu se potvrđuje da se akuzativ kao puni, središnji padež, kojim se predmet obuhvaća u potpunosti, nameće rubnosti ostalih perifernih padeža, pr. instrumentala (kod glagola kontaktirati). Pokazuje se da su, usprkos normi koja uz glagole traženja ne preporuča uporabu dvaju akuzativa bez prijedloga, nego jednoga besprijedložnoga akuzativa (ili dijelnoga genitiva) te drugoga genitiva s prijedlogom od, uz glagol tražiti u jeziku suvremenih medija česte potvrde dvaju besprijedložnih akuzativa.
U ovome se radu razmatra odabir naziva diskursnih oznaka za određene jezične elemente i ukazuje na moguće zakonitosti njihova nastanka. Raščlanjuju se pojedine karakteristike, formalne i funkcionalne prirode, koje se najčešće povezuju s diskursnim oznakama. Pri određivanju jezičnih elemenata u funkciji diskursnih oznaka opredjeljuje se, prije svega, za funkcionalni kriterij, dok su formalne karakteristike tek pokazatelji njihove pripadnosti zajedničkoj kategoriji.
Somatski frazemi su oni koji za sastavnicu imaju dio tijela. U radu se analiziraju somatski frazemi zabilježeni na području Čabra u Gorskom kotaru. Osnovne strukturne i semantičke karakteristike promatranih frazema oprimjerene su transkribiranim potvrdama. Svi primjeri prikupljeni su terenskim istraživanjem. Veći dio korpusa čine frazemi istraženi u mjesnom govoru Tršća, a zabilježeni su i oni iz Prezida, Čabra i Hrvatskog.
U radu se promatraju i analiziraju ustaljene sveze s preoblikom značenja uočene u srednjovjekovnim Gospinim plačevima pisanima starohrvatskim jezikom. Takve se sveze navode kao frazeološke ili kao frazemi u užem smislu te se uspoređuju sa suvremenim frazemima ista značenja i podudarna oblika. Uz popis frazema u užem smislu donose se uz pojedine primjere i frazemi u širem smislu.
Primjeri preobrazbe u "Ričoslovniku iliričkoga, italijanskoga i nimačkoga jezika" Josipa Voltića
(2011)
U članku se obrađuju tvorenice iz Voltićeva rječnika nastale preobrazbom. Primjeri se određuju prema prvoj potvrdi, i to u odnosu na potvrde u "Rječniku hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika" JAZU. Analizi prethodi teorijsko polazište koje uzima u obzir recentne radove iz područja preobrazbe i tvorbe riječi općenito.
U radu se identificiraju predlošci s kojih je prepisan ćirilički Lajpciški lekcionar. Još je Milan Rešetar nedvojbeno dokazao da je glavni predložak bilo drugo izdanje Bernardinova lekcionara (1543.), međutim u prvom dijelu rada – pregledu relevantne literature – pokazujemo da taj podatak nije općepoznat te da se i danas nastanak Lajpciškog lekcionara bez temelja smješta na kraj XV. ili početak XVI. stoljeća. Za pogrješnu je dataciju zaslužan Joseph Schütz, koji je 1963. izdao jedinu monografiju o tom rukopisu, a radovi znanstvenika koji su pobili njegove teze nisu dovoljno poznati znanstvenoj javnosti, što će ovaj članak pokušati promijeniti. U drugom dijelu rada bavimo se konkretnim primjerima odnosa Lajpciškog lekcionara sa svojim predlošcima te, osim analize zanimljivih i nekih problematičnih primjera već poznatih u literaturi, nastojimo pružiti i neke važne, ali dosada nepoznate primjere i njihovo tumačenje.
Usings songs to teach aural comprehension in the intermediate-advanced foreign language classroom
(2000)
In this article, we will present an aural comprehension development technique for intermediate-advanced students of Russian which aims at expanding comprehensible input through the use of song-poems. We will argue that learning can be enhanced by expanding Krashen's notion of i+1 to i+1,2,3,4... We will discuss how the prosodic and poetic structures of song lyrics make this type of input particularly effective in the second or foreign language classroom. We will also examine the merits of this approach from the standpoint of motivating students, reducing their classroom anxiety, and encouraging the use of effective language learning strategies. Finally, we illustrate in detail the application of this method in the first author's Russian language textbook based on the songs of Bulat Okudzhava.
Ziel der Untersuchung ist der Erwerb von aspektuellen Markierungen im Bulgarischen. Da Bulgarisch über ein nominales Artikelsystem und über eine verbale Aspektkategorie verfügt, liefert es eine ausgezeichnete Gelegenheit, die Verwendung von nominalen und verbalen Aspektmarkierungen im frühen Spracherwerb aufzuzeigen. Der Artikel präsentiert die Daten aus einer Langzeitstudie und einer experimentellen Testreihe. Die Ergebnisse belegen, dass die bulgarischen Kinder am Anfang vom Prinzip der Aspektkomposition Gebrauch machen. Aspektuell unmarkierte Verben werden durch definite Objekte ergänzt, um begrenzte Handlungen auszudrücken. Der schnelle Erwerb der Aspektmorphologie verschiebt die Gewichtung im Satz von den nominalen zu den verbalen Aspektmarkern. Im Alter von zweieinhalb Jahren beherrschen die bulgarischen Kinder die sprachspezifische syntaktische Anforderung, dass perfektiv markierte Prädikate quantitativ definite Argumente verlangen.
The paper explains the absence of resultative secondary predication in Russian as arising from a conflict of inferential interpretations. It formalises the framework necessary to express this proposal in terms of abductive reasoning with Poole systems in Gricean contexts. The conflict is shown to arise for default rules regulating alternative realisation of verb-internally specified consequent states. The paper thus indicates that typological variation may be due not only to different parameter values but to general inferential properties of the syntax-semantics mapping. The proposed theory also contradicts some widespread proposals that the absence of resultative secondary predication is due to the absence of some particular language feature.
Russian predicate cleft constructions have the surprising property of being associated with adversative clauses of the opposite polarity. I argue that clefts are associated with adversative clauses because they have the semantics of S-Topics in Büring's (1997, 2000) sense of the term. It is shown that the polarity of the adversative clause is obligatorily opposed to that of the cleft because the use of a cleft gives rise to a relevance-based pragmatic scale. The ordering principle according to which these scale
In his 1995 monograph, Apresyan suggests that it would be extremely interesting to investigate the means of expressing the definiteness/indefiniteness opposition in languages that do not have articles. In this paper, I will attempt to find possible correlations between the organization of discourse and the positions in which the (in)definite nominals may appear within a sentence of Russian. I will examine the information structure of Russian sentences and, based on the previous analyses, provide a new account of their organization with respect to information packaging. I will then look at various nominal elements contained in certain parts of a sentence and arrive at a system describing the distribution of NPs in Russian with respect to the information structure. The ultimate goal of this paper is to establish and motivate a system of correlations between various types of NPs and functions of information structure. This goal will be achieved by determining which characteristic of a NP may serve as a criterion allowing to provide a one-to-one mapping.
One of the most important insights of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993) is that phonological processes can be reduced to the interaction between faithfulness and universal markedness principles. In the most constrained version of the theory, all phonological processes should be thus reducible. This hypothesis is tested by alternations that appear to be phonological but in which universal markedness principles appear to play no role. If we are to pursue the claim that all phonological processes depend on the interaction of faithfulness and markedness, then processes that are not dependent on markedness must lie outside phonology. In this paper I will examine a group of such processes, the initial consonant mutations of the Celtic languages, and argue that they belong entirely to the morphology of the languages, not the phonology.
The purpose of this research was to trace the developmental steps in the acquisition of aspectual oppositions in Russian and to examine the validity of the 'aspect before tense' hypothesis for L1-speaking children. Imperfective/perfective verbs and their inflections, as well as aspectual pairs, were analysed in the first five months of verb production (and the respective months in the input) in three children. Additionally, the first four months of verb production were investigated in one boy with less data. Verb forms marked for the past and for the present occur simultaneously in all children. These early forms relate to 'here and now' situations: verbs marked for the past denote 'resultative' events that are perceived by the children as occurring during the speech time or immediately before it, while verbs marked for the present typically denote on-going events. Thus, with early tense oppositions (or tense morphology) children mark aspectual contrasts in the moment of speech: evidence in favour of the 'aspect before tense' hypothesis.
A strong preference in using the perfective aspect for the past and the imperfective aspect for the present events has been found in both adults and children. Further, only very few aspectual pairs were documented within the analysed period (from the onset of verb production to the period when children produce rule-driven inflectional forms). The productive use of the finite forms of perfective and imperfective verbs doesn't concord with the ability of the productive use of the contrastive forms of one lemma. Data suggest that children (start to) learn aspectual forms in an item-based manner. The acquisition of aspectual oppositions (aspectual pairs) is lexically dependent and is guided by the contextual 'thesaurus'. Aspectual pairs are learned in a peace-meal way during much longer, than observed for this article, period of time. Generally, aspect is not learned as a rule, also because there are no (uniform) rules of forming of aspectual pairs, but as the 'satellite' of the inherent lexical meaning of verbs of diverse Aktionsarten.
The issues addressed here are relevant for other Slavic languages, exhibiting the morphological category of aspect.
This paper investigates the production and comprehension of intrasentential anaphoric pronominal reference in Russian. In particular, it examines the elicited imitation and comprehension of three anaphoric pronouns in subject position – personal 3rd singular masculine, demonstrative and zero – in one hundred and eighty monolingual Russian-speaking children and twenty adults. The three types of pronouns were designed to have an antecedent in the preceding sentence containing a verb and two arguments. These antecedents differ in their syntactical role and animacy. The sentence position, agentivity and topicality remained constant. The sentences with (in)animate subjects and objects constituted the following four 'conditions': two sentences with a subject and an object being either animate or inanimate and two sentences with a subject and an object exhibiting a diverse (in)animacy. Regarding the resolution of the anaphoric pronouns the similarity principle (or feature-concord rule) and its possible violations were tested. This principle suggests that an anaphoric pronoun is most likely resolved to the antecedent with a maximum of similar characteristics or features and it primarily governs the assignment of an antecedent to anaphoric pronouns in subject position in the absence of the violating conditions. Results show the influence of this rule on the anaphora resolution process increasing with age, on the one hand, and the development of the impact of animacy, syntactic role and the type of anaphoric pronouns that violate the feature-concord rule, on the other.
The paper presents results from a combined production and comprehension study addressing some of the factors which guide the establishment of intersentential pronominal reference in child and adult Bulgarian. We investigate the time course and different stages in the acquisition of null, personal and demonstrative pro-nouns and their specific anaphoric functions. We target possible age-induced changes in the salience hierarchy of referent features such as animacy and grammatical role. Following the general consent in the field of anaphora research, we assume a division of labour between different pronominal forms with respect to the salience of their referents. Based on the data of Bulgarian preschool children we investigate the validity of this form-function relation, its language-specific shape and its developmentally induced variation. The results reveal an initial prominence of animate referents which later on develops into preference for animate subjects. Although the investigated 3 to 5 year old Bulgarian children do not stick to the adult anaphora resolution strategy, they comply with the principle of the reversed mapping within the range of tested pronouns and react according to their salience criteria which promote animate subjects as the most prominent co-reference candidates.
It has been previously reported that in languages demonstrating the Root Infinitive (RI) Stage the use of RIs is characterized by two properties: these forms are overwhelmingly eventive and have, in the majority of instances, a modal interpretation. Hoekstra and Hyams (1998, 1999) have proposed a theory stating that these two properties of RIs are co-dependent in that the application of the modal reference restriction limits the use of the aspectual verbal classes to eventive predicates. Furthermore, this theory assumed that the described mutual dependency of these constraints was valid cross-linguistically.
In this paper, we investigate the application of this theory to the case of RIs in Russian, one of the languages exhibiting the RI Stage. Using new longitudinal data from two monolingual Russian-speaking children, we demonstrate that the predictions of Hoekstra and Hyams’ approach are not realized for Russian child speech. While the constraint requiring that Ris have a modal reference does not seem to apply in Russian since the infinitival forms do receive past and present tense interpretation, these predicates are still overwhelmingly eventive and stative predicates appear mostly as finite verbs. Having shown that a theory connecting the application of the two restrictions on RIs does not account for the Russian data, we examine several alternative analyses of Russian RIs. We arrive at a conclusion that an explanation based on the lack of the event variable in stative predicates (Kratzer 1989) necessary for the interpretation of RIs in discourse (Avrutin 1997) succeeds in handling the Russian data presented in this article.
The paper makes two contributions to semantic typology of secondary predicates. It provides an explanation of the fact that Russian has no resultative secondary predicates, relating this explanation to the interpretation of secondary predicates in English. And it relates depictive secondary predicates in Russian, which usually occur in the instrumental case, to other uses of the instrumental case in Russian, establishing here, too, a difference to English concerning the scope of the secondary predication phenomenon.
The present paper offers a summary of the results of two earlier experiments (Nawrocki and Gonet 2004; Nawrocki 2004), in which acoustic properties of the voiceless velar fricative phoneme /x/ in Southern Polish were investigated.
As is found in both studies (Nawrocki and Gonet 2004; Nawrocki 2004), speakers of both genders favour glottal articulation, with partial or full voicing. Word final contexts are decisively in favour of [x]. The word initial, prevocalic positions seem to allow quite a number of allophonic variants of /x/ . These are: [x], [ɦ], [ç] and, additionally, the voiceless glottal, the pharyngeal or the epiglottal [h]/[ħ]/[ʜ]. Another factor taken into account is the coarticulation effect of the vocalic context on the choice of articulation. Based on the results of the experiments, a reformulated allophonic composition is proposed for Polish /x/. It makes room for previously unconsidered pharyngeal and glottal allophones.
In order to inspect the acoustic properties of the allophones of Polish /x/ further, their static and dynamic spectral features are compared to those of phonetically similar sounds in other languages where they have the status of independent phonemes. Special attention is paid to the distribution of spectral peaks and their intensity. The fact that in Polish there are no 'back' fricative phonemes that would contrast with /x/ creates a wide range of acceptable allophonic articulations that cannot be challenged from either articulatory or perceptual points of view.
This paper evaluates trills [r] and their palatalized counterparts [rj] from the point of view of markedness. It is argued that [r]s are unmarked sounds in comparison to [r ]s which follows from the examination of the following parameters: (a) frequency of occurrence, (b) articulatory and aerodynamic characteristics, (c) perceptual features, (d) emergence in the process of language acquisition, (e) stability from a diachronic point of view, (f) phonotactic distribution, and (g) implications.
Several markedness aspects of [r]s and [rj] are analyzed on the basis of Slavic languages which offer excellent material for the evaluation of trills. Their phonetic characteristics incorporated into phonetically grounded constraints are employed for a phonological OT-analysis of r-palatalization in two selected languages: Polish and Czech.
In this paper I show that the different case marking possibilities on predicate adjectives in depictive secondary predicates in Russian constitute the uninterpretable counterpart of the interpretable tense and aspect features of the adjective. Case agreement entails that the predicate adjective is non-eventive, i.e., it occurs when the event time of the secondary predicate is identical to the event time of the primary predicate. The instrumental case, however, entails that the secondary predicate is eventive: some change of state or transition occurred prior to or during the event time of the primary predicate. I claim that case agreement occurs in conjoined tense phrases in Russian, while the instrumental case occurs in adjoined aspectual phrases. In English, secondary predication is sensitive both to the structural location of its antecedent and to the event structure of the primary predicate. I suggest that depictives with subject antecedents in English are true adjunction structures, while those with direct object antecedents occur in a conjoined aspectual phrase. This hypothesis finds support in the different movement and semantic constraints in conjunction versus adjunction phrases in both English and Russian.
We will argue that some seemingly adverbial free DPs in the instrumental in Russian which are traditionally termed measure instrumental are best understood as secondary predicates. We present the relevant syntactic assumptions and propose a semantics of this use of DPs in the instrumental. This proposal hears on the distinction between adjunct modification and secondary predication.
Adjectival secondary predicates can enter into two Case frames in Russian, the agreeing form and the Instrumental. The paper argues that these Case frames go together with two syntactic positions in the clause which are correlated with two different interpretations, the true depictive and the temporally restricted reading, respectively. The availability of the two readings depends on the houndedness of the secondary predicate. Only bounded predicates can enter into both Case frames and only partially non-bounded predicates can appear in the Instrumental. The paper therefore argues that the pertinent two-way SL/IL-contrast is to he replaced by a three-way distinction in terms of boundedness. The paper outlines the syntax and semantics of the true depictive and the temporally restricted interpretation and discusses how adjectival secondary predicates whose salient properties involve a cotemporary interpretation with the matrix predicate and a control relation of an individual argument, differ from temporal adjuncts as well as from non-finite clauses.
Im Frühaltrussischen koexistierten die drei miteinander konkurrierenden aspektuellen Oppositionen, namlich die alten indoeuropäischen Aspekte (der imperfektive, der perfektive und der perfektische), die alte slavische Opposition Nicht-Iterativität/lterativität und die neuen slavischen Aspekte (=Opposition Imperfektivität/Perfektivitat). Im Laufe der Sprachentwicklung wurden die ersten zwei Oppositionen durch die dritte Opposition verdrängt. Der Verlauf und die Mechanismen dieser Entwicklung werden dargestellt und auf der Grundlage des Konzepts des natürlichen grammatischen Wandels erklärt. Es werden Markiertheitsprinzipien betrachtet, die den natürlichen grammatischen Wandel determinieren. Diese Prinzipien werden als generelle Faktoren typologischen Wandels angesehen, mit deren Hilfe die grammatischen Veränderungen im Sprachsystem erklärt werden können. Die Ausprägung der neuen slavischen Aspekte und die immer starker werdende Einbeziehung der Aspekte in das gesamte Verbalsystem haben entscheidend zur Herausbildung des neuen reduzierten aspektsensitiven Tempussystems beigetragen.
(Non)retroflexivity of slavic affricates and its motivation : Evidence from polish and czech <č>
(2005)
The goal of this paper is two-fold. First, it revises the common assumption that the affricate <č> denotes /t͡ʃ/ for all Slavic languages. On the basis of experimental results it is shown that Slavic <č> stands for two sounds: /t͡ʃ/ as e.g. in Czech and /ʈʂ/ as in Polish.
The second goal of the paper is to show that this difference is not accidental but it is motivated by perceptual relations among sibilants. In Polish, /t͡ʃ/ changed to /ʈʂ/ thus lowering its sibilant tonality and creating a better perceptual distance to /tɕ/, whereas in Czech /t͡ʃ/ did not turn to /ʈʂ/, as the former displayed sufficient perceptual distance to the only affricate present in the inventory, namely, the alveolar /t͡s/. Finally, an analysis of Czech and Polish affricate inventories is offered.
Complex focus versus double focus : investigations on multiple focus interpretations in Hungarian
(2006)
The main aim of this paper is to point out several problems with the semantic analysis of Hungarian focus interpretation and 'only'. For current semantic analyses the interpretation of Hungarian identificational/exhaustive focus and 'only' is problematic, since in classical semantic analyses 'only' is identified with an exhaustivity operator. In this paper I will discuss multiple focus constructions and question-answer pairs in Hungarian to show that such a view cannot be applied to Hungarian exhaustive focus. Next to this I will discuss possible interpretations of Hungarian sentences containing multiple prosodic foci: complex focus versus double focus. My claim is that in order to interpret multiple focus (in Hungarian) we have to take into consideration the different intonation patterns, the occurrence of 'only', and the syntactic structure as well.
The aim of this paper is to show what role prosodic constituents, especially the foot and the prosodic word play in Polish phonology. The focus is placed on their function in the representation of extrasyllabic consonants in word-initial, word-medial, and word-final positions.
The paper is organized as follows. In the first section, I show that the foot and the prosodic word are well-motivated prosodic constituents in Polish prosody. In the second part, I discuss consonant clusters in Polish focussing on segments that are not parsed into a syllable due to violations of the Sonority Sequencing Generalisation, i.e. extrasyllabic segments. Finally, I analyze possible representations of the extrasyllabic consonants and conclude that both the foot and the prosodic word play a crucial role in terms of licensing. My proposal differs from the ones by Rubach and Booij (1990b) and Rubach (1997) in that I argue that the word-initial sonorants traditionally called extrasyllabic are licenced by the foot and not by the prosodic word (cf. Rubach and Booij (1990b)) or the syllable (cf. Rubach (1997)). For my analysis I adopt the framework of Optimality Theory, cf. McCarthy and Prince (1993), Prince and Smolensky (1993), in which derivational levels are abandoned and only surface representations are evaluated by means of universal constraints.
The purpose of this paper is to provide a unified (i.e. independent of lexical categories) account of Persian stress. I show that by differentiating word- and phrase-level stress rules, one can account for the superficial differences exemplified in (1) above and many of the stipulations suggested by previous scholars. The paper is organized as follows. In section 1, I look at nouns and adjectives and propose a rule that would account for their stress pattern. In section 2, I extend the stress rule to verbs and show the problem this category poses to our generalization. The main proposal of this paper is discussed in section 3. I introduce the phrasal stress rule in Persian and show that by differentiating word-level and phrase-level stress rules, one can come to a unified account of Persian stress. Section 4 deals with some problematic eases for the proposed generalization and discusses some tentative solutions and their theoretical consequences. Section 5 concludes the paper.
The source of the data used in this paper are recordings of conversations with a Lithuanian girl, Rūta. Rūta lives in Vilnius and is the only child in the family. Both parents speak standard Lithuanian without dialectal influences. The recordings were taken on a free basis without a fixed schedule, then transcribed by the mother of the child, double-checked and coded in accordance with CHILDES by the author of the paper. At the moment of writing this contribution the data taken between 1;7-2;5 have been fully processed. Over this period about 34.5 hours of recordings were collected.
This paper shows the early development of the first approximately 50 verbs found in the recorded speech production of one Croatian girl. The aim is to analyse and interpret the child's verb development in terms of the distinction of a pre- and a protomorphological phase before modularised morphology in language acquisition (Dressler & Karpf 1995). Furthermore, focus will be laid on the emergence of first verb paradigms.
In this artiele I reanalyze sibilant inventories of Slavic languages by taking into consideration acoustic. perceptive and phonological evidence. The main goal of this study is to show that perception is an important factor which determines the shape of sibilant inventories. The improvement of perceptual contrast essentially contributes to creating new sibilant inventories by (i) changing the place of articulation of the existing phonemes (ii) merging sibilants that are perceptually very close or (iii) deleting them.
It has also been shown that the symbol s traditionally used in Slavic linguistics corresponds to two sounds in the IP A system: it stands for a postalveolar sibilant (ʃ) in some Slavic languages, as e.g. Bulagarian, Czech, Slovak, some Serbian and Croatian dialects, whereas in others like Polish, Russian, Lower Sorbian it functions as a retroflex (ʂ). This discrepancy is motivated by the fact that ʃ is not optimal in terms of maintaining sufficient perceptual contrast to other sibilants such as s and ɕ. If ʃ occurs together with s (and sʲ) there is a considerable perceptual distance between them but if it occurs with ɕ in an inventory, the distance is much smaller. Therefore, the strategy most languages follow is the change from a postalveolar to a retroflex sibilant.
In this paper we provide an account of the historical development of Polish and Russian sibilants. The arguments provided here are of theoretical interest because they show that (i) certain allophonic rules are driven by the need to keep contrasts perceptually distinct, (ii) (unconditioned) sound changes result from needs of perceptual distinctiveness, and (iii) perceptual distinctiveness can be extended to a class of consonants, i.e. the sibilants. The analysis is cast within Dispersion Theory by providing phonetic and typological data supporting the perceptual distinctiveness claims we make.
The focus of the present paper is on the difference between English and German learners‘ use of perfectivity and imperfectivity. The latter is expressed by means of suffixation (suffix -va-). In contrast, perfectivity is encoded either by suffixation (-nou-) or by prefixation (twenty different prefixes that mostly modify not only aspectual but also lexical properties of the verb).
In the native Czech data set, there is no significant difference between the number of imperfectively and perfectively marked verb forms. In the English data, imperfectively and perfectively marked verb forms are equally represented as well. However, German learners use significantly more perfective forms than English learners and Czech natives. When encoding perfectivity in Czech, German learners prefer to use prefixes to suffixes. Overall, English learners in comparison to German learners encode more perfectives by means of suffixation than prefixation.
These results suggest that German learners of Czech focus on prefixes expressing aspectual and lexical modification of the verb, while English learners rather pay attention to the aspectual opposition between perfective and imperfective. In a more abstract way, the German learner group focuses on the operations carried out on the left side from the verb stem while the English learner group concentrates on the operations performed on the right side qfrom the verb stem.
This sensitivity can be to certain degree motivated by the linguistic devices of the corresponding source languages: English learners of Czech use imperfectives mainly because English has marked fully grammatical form for the expression of imperfective aspect – the progressive -ing form. German learners, on the other hand, pay in Czech more attention to the prefixes, which like in German modify the lexical meaning of the verb. In this manner, Czech prefixes used for perfectivization function similar to the German verbal prefixes (such as ab-, ver-) modifying Aktionsart.
In this paper we investigate the structure of specificational sentences like [Raskol'nikov]NP 1 - ėto [ubìjca staruxi]NP2 'Raskolnikov - that is the murderer of the old lady' in Russian and Polish, which - depending on the type of NP1 and NP2 - correspond to English pseudo-cleft-constructions (What Raskolnikov is is the murderer of the old lady) and specificational sentences (The person I like most is my father), respectively. We propose that the Slavic constructions can be analysed similarly to their English counterparts: the first fragment contains a semantic variable, which is specified in the second fragment.
We show that the pronouns "ėto" <Rus.> / "to" <Pol.>, which are obligatory in Slavic specificational sentences, have two functions. 1. the deictic function: "ėto/to" take an open proposition available in the discourse or reconstructed from it, and assign this open proposition to another proposition, which provides the value for the variable of the open proposition. 2. the operative function: "ėto/to" link two syntactically independent fragments, the first of which can be semantically interpreted as an indirect question comparable to the wh-clause in the English pseudo-clefts, and the second as an answer to this question.
Within a minimalist framework of sound-meaning correlation, the present study concentrates on process nominalizations of Russian. It is shown how these constructions are built up syntactically and semantically and in which respects they differ from other types of nominalizations. The analysis follows a lexicalist conception of word formation and the differentiation of Semantic Form and Conceptual Structure.
The claim advanced in this paper is that the presence of a left-dislocated element together with a resumptive clitic in Bulgarian is a special case of argument saturation with implications for the focus structure of the clause, while contrast involves discontinuous focus (contrastive topics/foci) with no clitics present in the derivation. Contrastive topic/focus constructions in Bulgarian can be united on the view that they involve (sets of) ordered pairs where the higher element is valuing a contrastive feature (cf. OCC in Chomsky 2001) while the element in the VP is a non-contrastive topic or focus. The contrastive feature participates in wh-structures but not in clitic-left-dislocated structures where pairing between arguments is 'accidental'.
An adjunct-DP in the free instrumental case occurs in a number of surface positions where the DP is syntactically optional. does not depend on any element in the sentence, and has a number of different interpretations. We introduce Bailyn's proposal which postulates a uniform syntactic environment for all the uses of instr. This calls for a uniform semantics of these DPs which can nevertheless accomodate the different interpretations. Starting with the hypothesis of Roman Jakobson about the semantics of the instrumental case we formulate a semantic interpretation theory based on abduction. We give a uniform semantics for three different adjunct uses of instr in this framework. In the concluding part of the paper we discuss some possible alternatives and ramifications as well as questions and objections raised with respect to the treatment proposed in this paper.
The article deals with the analysis of the development of aspectuality at the early stages of the acquisition of Russian. Data from seven children are investigated for this purpose. It is claimed that the category of aspectuality, being the property of the whole utterance, can be expressed at the early stages of language acquisition even before the verb itself occurs. During this period some children mark the basic aspectual opposition "process-result" by the linguistic devices at their disposal, namely by various uses of sound imitations or onomatopoetics. Onomatopoetics, when used once, can be said to be the predecessors of perfective verbs, while reduplicative use of onomatopoetics seems to correspond to the imperfective aspect. The paper presents an analysis of the early verb lexicons of six children. Among their 24 earliest verbs both aspects are represented. As revealed by the analysis, aspect (and Aktionsart) clusters with tense in a specific way: imperfective verbs are mainly used in the present while perfectives are used mostly in the past.
Eine allgeneine und theoretische Antwort auf die Frage, ob der Begriff "Possesivität" zur grammatischen Beschreibung einer natürlichen Sprache gehören solle oder nicht, wird je nach Standpunkt verschieden ausfallen. Man kann auch anders vorgehen, indem man in einem vortheoretischen Verständnis einen Begriff "Possesssivität" zunächst annimmt und zusieht, wie die Repräsentationen eines solchen Begriffs in je einer einzelnen Sprache sich gestalten. Die Möglichkeit, dass sich daraus, fast von alleine, eine Bestätigung und Präzisierung für diesen Begriff, ja sogar der eine oder andere Anhaltspunkt für dessen Universalität ergibt, dürfte man nicht ausschliessen. Der .Aufsatz von Hansjakob Seiler scheint schon in Zusammenhangmit diesem Problem nicht nur das Wesentlichste klargemacht zu haben; er stellt auch die Frage nach einem gemeinsamen Prinzip, dem die einzelnen Sprachen gehorchen, wenn sie die Possessivitätsrelation ausdrücken.
Dieser Beitrag ist ein Vorschlag, auf der grammatisch-semantischen Ebene dieses Prinzip in einer konktreten Sprache, dem Polnischen, aufgrund der die Possessivität ausdrückenden Mittel und ihrer Bereiche zu illustrieren. Daher wird hier semantisch davon ausgegangen, dass die Possessivität eine Relation ausdrückt, die den Verhältnis des Teils zum Ganzen entspricht. Ob man nun diese Relation als direkte Zugehörigkeit zur Menge oder als eine Art indirekter Zugehörigkeit, nämlich zum Besitzer der Menge auffasst, wäre eine Frage über die aufgrund der Struktur der betreffenden Sprache entschieden werden sollte, – vorausgesetzt immer, dass die Possessivität ein sprachlich ausgeprägtes und sprachwissenschaftlich beschreibbares Phänomen ist.
Dem Reflexivmorphem kann unterschiedlicher Status zugeschrieben werden: 1. Es ist ein Wortbildungsmorphem, d. h. jede Verbindung von Verb + se (sich) ist ein besonderes Wort.
2. Es ist auch Formbildungsmorphem – durch Anfügen des Morphems an das Verb kann eine neue Form des Verbs gebildet werden, d.h. die lexikalische Bedeutung des Verbs wird nicht verändert. Die neuen Bedeutungen, die durch das beigefügte Morphem signalisiert werden, werden in diesem Fall als morphologische Bedeutungen betrachtet und in der morphologischen Kategorie "Diathese" generalisiert - eine Kategorie, die "characterizes the relation between the narrated event and ist participants without reference to the Speech event or to the speaker" (R. Jakobson, 1957, S 4).
3. Es stellt ein Wortbildungsmorphem nur bei den sog. Reflexiva tantum dar; sonst signalisiert es immer eine syntaktische Veränderung der Konstruktion und kann in das Verbparadigma eingeführt werden nur vom Standpunkt der Oberflächenstruktur aus. Diese Beschreibung ist ein Versuch die letzte Ansicht zu begründen.
[…]
Die theoretische Grundlage dieser Beschreibung ist das syntaktische Modell der Transformationsgrammatik, wie es von N. Chomsky (1965) dargestellt worden ist. Einige andere theoretische Formulierungen wurden durch das neue Material und durch die mit ihm verbundenen Probleme verursacht. Die Termini "Subjekt" und "Objekt" werden hier in dem bekannten Sinn gebraucht – als Benennungen bestimmter formaler Verhältnisse der Tiefen-und Oberflächenstruktur. Außerdem wird auch der Terminus "Agens" gebraucht – als Begriff, der mit dem Begriff "Subjekt" in gewissem Sinn zusammenfällt. So ist die Relation "Agens - Handlung" parallel mit der Relation "Subjekt - Prädikat", Die Beschreibung beruht auf Material, das dem bulgarischen Wörterbuch von L, Andrejcin und anderen. entnommen ist: "Balgarski tălkoven rečnik". Sofia, 1963. Alle Reflexivverben sind aus dem Wörterbuch abgeschrieben und klassifiziert je nach den Konstruktionen, wo diese Verben vorkommen.
Bei der Untersuchung der bulgarischen Geschmacksadjektive werden wir versuchen, ihre distinktiven Merkmale festzustellen, die die systematischen Beziehungen zwischen den betrachteten Spracheinheiten charakterisieren. Wie bekannt, unterscheidet MELČUK zwischen äußeren und inneren distinktiven Merkmalen. Die äußeren Merkmale drücken die syntagmatischen Beziehungen der Sprachelemente aus; auf der lexikalischen Ebene z.B. müssen sie die Kombinierbarkeit – im konstruktiven Sinne – der Worte im Syntagma erklären: d.h., welche konkreten Verbindungen kann man konstruieren, abgesehen von ihrer Akzeptierbarkeit, wenn der Sinn als äußeres distinktives Merkmal ("semantischer Parameter") angegeben ist. Da diese Merkmale sehr allgemein sein müssen (im Unterschied zu den individuellen semantischen Parametern, die in wenigen Verbindungen vorkommen), ist es klar, daß nicht alle semantischen Merkmale; die ein begrenztes Gebiet. wie das der Geschmacksadjektive charakterisieren, als semantische Parameter dienen können, sondern nur das allgemeinste Merkmal. [...] Mit dem Ziel, eine semantische Interpretation der generierten Sätze zu ermöglichen, werden wir versuchen, die semantischen Merkmale in der normalen Form der lexikalischen Eintragung (nach Katz/Fodor) darzustellen, was auch die Möglichkeit gibt, einige semantische Verhältnisse der Sätze, die Geschmacksadjektive enthalten, zu erklären. Da das Ziel hier die Feststellung der für die semantische Interpretation notwendigen Merkmale ist, werden wir nicht alle Bedeutungen der Geschmacksadjektive suchen; außer Betracht bleibt auch ihr übertragener Gebrauch, weil sie dann eigentlich keine echten Geschmacksadjektive mehr sind.
Das Muťafi-Lazische
(1995)
Die in der vorliegenden Publikation untersuchte Sprache ist ein Dialekt des Lazischen, der in Muťafi und Umgebung gesprochen wird. Dieser Dialekt ist bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch nicht wissenschaftlich untersucht worden. Da er einige Charakteristika aufweist, die in anderen lazischen Dialekten nicht zu finden sind, hielten wir es für notwendig, unsere Untersuchungsergebnisse zu veröffentlichen. Eine auffällige Besonderheit findet sich z.B. im Kasussystem: Sowohl das Georgische als auch das Zanische weisen innerhalb der zentralen Kasus zwei Systeme auf, ein "akkusativisches" und ein traditionell als ergativisch analysiertes (vgl. Harris 1985). Letzteres ist jedoch, nach der ausführlichen Analyse von Harris 1985 ein aktivisches System, da die intransitiven Verben je nach ihrer Rektion in zwei Klassen aufgeteilt werden müssen. Aktive Subjekte intransitiver Verben erhalten Narrativmarkierung, Subjekte intransitiver Verben, die inaktiv sind, werden mit dem gleichen Kasus wie das Objekt des transitiven Verbes markiert. Im Lazischen weitete sich das aktivische System auf alle TAM-Kategorien aus. Für die meisten lazischen Dialekte ergibt sich daher ein etwas anderes Kasussystem als für den Dialekt von Muťafi. […] Aufgrund der Besonderheiten des untersuchten Dialekts orientieren sich die vorliegenden Arbeiten nicht in erster Linie an den bisher veröffentlichten Ergebnissen zum Lazischen. Vielmehr wurde das Muťafi-Lazische für diese Untersuchung als eigenständige Sprache betrachtet. Aspekte der Dialektabgrenzung und der Diachronie bleiben daher unberücksichtigt. Desweiteren soll diese Publikation dazu beitragen, eine bedrohte Sprache zu dokumentieren.
Pokazatelji brojivosti
(2007)
U radu se analizira drugi cjeloviti objavljeni prijevod Svetoga pisma na hrvatski jezik, Škarićevo Sveto pismo Staroga i Novoga uvita (Beč, 1858. – 1861.); opisuju se njegove jezične osobine, utvrđuje se njegovo mjesto u dugoj hrvatskoj svetopisamskoj prevodilačkoj tradiciji te njegov utjecaj na proces standardizacije hrvatskoga jezika.
U ovome se radu pokušava dati pregled mnogobrojnih i raznolikih odraza svetačkog imena Juraj u hrvatskome antroponimijskom sustavu s osobitim naglaskom na područje Zažablja (prostora između rječice Misline, istočno od Metkovića, i zapadnih granica nekadašnje Dubrovačke Republike, a danas općine Dubrovačko primorje, te prostora od Hrasna na sjeveru do Neuma na jugu) i Popova (jugozapadne Hercegovine). Na temelju odabrane literature i autorova terenskog istraživanja nastoje se iznijeti i neke izvanjezične (poglavito povijesne i sociolingvističke) činjenice koje su uzrok takvu stanju.
U radu se analizira sintaktička funkcija participa u hrvatskome jeziku 15./16. st. jer su se otprilike u to vrijeme u sintaktičkom ustrojstvu (staro)hrvatskoga jezika događale vrlo krupne jezične promjene, koje su posljedica “departicipijalizacije” participa, tj. preobrazbe naslijeđenih participnih oblika u glagolske priloge.
U radu se analizira uloga jednog tipa referencijalnih izraza – anaforičkih izraza – u diskurzivnom oblikovanju odabranog medijsko-znanstvenog događaja (“uskrsnuće” bakterije Deinococcus radiodurans). Predlaže se transverzalna analiza anaforičkih izraza utemeljena na modularnom pristupu kompleksnosti organizacije diskursa i na dinamičnoj koncepciji anaforičke referencije, shvaćene kao segment šireg procesa konceptualnog strukturiranja svijeta diskursa i usuglašavanja mentalnih predodžbi sudionika u interakciji.
Predmet ovog rada su kajkavizmi u Tkonskom zborniku – glagoljskom rukopisu koji je početkom 16. stoljeća pisan na frankopanskim posjedima. Utvrđeno je da su u tom rukopisu prisutni kajkavizmi na svim razinama: fonološkoj, morfološkoj, leksičkoj i sintaktičkoj. Najviše je kajkavizama na leksičkoj razini, a oni se mogu podijeliti u dvije skupine: 1. zajednički čakavsko- kajkavski sloj, npr. betegь, gdo, nigdar, hiniti, hud, kaštigati, lotar itd.; 2. kajkavski sloj, npr. fajtati, gorup, nekoteri, pokrivača, škoda, špotati, tanac itd. Prva je kategorija leksema interpolirana u gotovo svim dijelovima CTk, a druga je najčešća u Cvetu od kreposti i Muci. Tkonski zbornik čuva jedno ogromno leksičko bogatstvo, a pri usporedbi pojedinih leksema s onima u hrvatskoglagoljskim misalima i brevijarima, zaključeno je da su neki od njih potvrđeni i ranije, npr. betegь, kaštigati, praviti, gorup, tanac itd. To je potvrda o kontinuitetu hrvatskoglagoljske književnosti. Interpolacija kajkavizama nije ujednačena u svim dijelovima zbornika, kajkavske su intervencije najčešće u Cvetu od kreposti (f. 67 – 85) i u Muci Spasitelja našega (f. 109 – 161). Na temelju provedenog istraživanja može se zaključiti da je Tkonski zbornik rukopis sastavljen iz različitih dijelova, koji nisu nastali u istom razdoblju, ni na istom mjestu. Budući da kajkavizme u pojedinim dijelovima nalazimo na svim razinama (Cvet od kreposti i Muka), može se pretpostaviti da su oni nastali u sjevernom području, tj. bliže kajkavskom.
U radu se iznose tzv. lažni parovi (prijatelji), leksemi u hrvatskom i rumunjskom jeziku koji zbog svoje izrazne podudarnosti navode na pogrešno prevođenje. Navode se značajke koje su dovele do takvih pojava. S obzirom na podrijetlo, najčešće je riječ o leksemima naslijeđenima iz latinskoga jezika ili kasnijim romanizmima te dakako slavenskima, kojih je u rumunjskome nezanemariv broj. Izdvojeni se leksemi razvrstavaju u tablicu koja omogućuje njihovu prozirniju usporedbu i lakše prepoznavanje.
Govorni se činovi najlakše prepoznaju i razgraničuju u dijalogu pa su dramski tekstovi vrlo pogodni za analizu i propitivanje teorije govornih činova. Krležinoj drami U agoniji možemo pristupiti kao korpusu za oprimjerenje konstativnoga i performativnoga shvaćanja jezika. U toj se drami sukob doista gradi na oprečnome shvaćanju jezika, a to se i verbalno eksplicira, pa se drama odvija na svojevrsnoj metajezičnoj razini gdje se glavni karakteri “svađaju” zato što govore različitim jezicima. Govorni činovi u drami, posebice komplimenti, analizirani su i s aspekta feminističke lingvistike.
U radu se obrađuju načini tvorbe pridjeva, priloga, prijedloga, zamjenica i veznika na primjerima iz Tadijanovićeva djela „Svašta po malo“. Posebno se upozorava na tipove tvorba koji su neobični zbog značenja koje ima tvorenica, na tvorbu neuobičajenih tvorenica prema već postojećim modelima, na različite pristupe i tumačenja u određivanju tvorbenih načina te na odnos motiviranih i nemotiviranih riječi sa stajališta povijesne i suvremene tvorbe. Analizirani se primjeri uspoređuju s potvrdama iz „Rječnika hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika JAZU“.
U članku se opisuje morfonologija glagolske osnove u prezentskoj paradigmi na građi hrvatsko-crkvenoslavenskih (dalje: HCS) glagola s temeljnom osnovom na -i- u kojih tom završnom -i- prethodi zubni sonant: r, l, n (tj. tipa tvori-ti, moli-ti, brani-ti). U obzir su uzeti svi glagolski leksemi tog tipa iz kartoteke Rječnika crkvenoslavenskoga jezika hrvatske redakcije: 110 li-glagola, 127 ni-glagola i 83 ri-glagola i njihovi prezentski oblici. Metoda opisa je usporedba dotičnog fragmenta HCS gramatike sa staroslavenskim stanjem kao i sa stanjem u starohrvatskim (čakavskim) govorima. U staroslavenskom jeziku u prezentskoj je paradigmi tihglagola osnova okrnjena (tj. okrnjen je sufiks -i-) i pojavljuje se u dvije varijante: palatalnoj (u 1. licu jednine), i tvrdoj (u svim ostalim oblicima). Tako u prezentu nalazimo u osnovi alternacije r ~ ŕ, l ~ ĺ i n ~ ń. U HCS tekstovima morfonološki su najinovativniji ri-glagoli. Kako je u hrvatskom depalataliziran fonem ŕ, kod ri-glagola nije sačuvan staroslavenski morfonološki model. HCS građa ne pokazuje staroslavensku alternaciju r ~ ŕ, tj. kod ri-glagola nema variranja osnove u prezentu (okrnjena osnova u svim oblicima završava nepalatalnim suglasnikom). Kod li-glagola i ni-glagola staroslavenski je morfonološki model očuvan. Međutim, u tekstovima su ipak potvrđene rijetke devijacije od tog modela. Naime, usprkos postojanju grafijskoga sredstva za označavanje palatalnosti fonema ĺ i ń ispred gramatičkog morfema 1. lica jednine -u (tj. uporaba slova ű iza l, n), neki su pisari u rijetkim slučajevima izostavljali označavanje palatalnosti, tj. pisali grafem u (molu, branu). Autorica predlaže različita moguća objašnjenja te pogreške i utvrđuje u kojoj je mjeri ta pojava ograničena na određene HCS tekstove.
Književnojezična norma franjevačkih pisaca 18. St. : sastavnica jezičnostandardizacijskih procesa
(2007)
Važnom sastavnicom hrvatskoga predstandardnoga jezika smatra se koine franjevačke književnosti 18. st. Izrasla iz pisane prakse bosanskih franjevaca 17. st., obogaćena u jeziku hrvatskih franjevaca izraznim sredstvima pučkeknjiževnosti, već je u 18. st. pokazivala obilježja standardiziranosti: polifunkcinonalnost, preskriptivnost i neovisnost o organskim idiomima. Koine je opisana u franjevačkim gramatikama, što je naznaka normativnih tendencija.
U radu se prikazuje i analizira leksikografski status brojevnih riječi u Rječniku hrvatskoga kajkavskoga književnog jezika. Prilaže se popis brojevnih riječi obrađenih u rječniku, utvrđuje se u kojoj su mjeri u rječničkome članku zastupljeni elementi gramatičkoga opisa i navode li se oni dosljedno. Analiziraju se elementi definicije brojevnih riječi i njezina koherentnost.
U radu se predstavlja rukopisni rječnik Vocabolario italiano-illirico, dvojezični hrvatsko-talijanski rječnik, djelo Dubrovčanina fra Lovre Cekinića. Rukopis je nastao 40-ih godina 18. stoljeća, a danas se čuva u biblioteci Samostana Male braće u Dubrovniku. Analizira se autorova leksikografska metoda te se naznačuje leksičko bogatstvo desne, hrvatske strane.
Autorica donosi osnovne informacije o knjizi Kinch oſzebuini i njegovu autoru, osvrće se na onimiju, antroponimiju i osobna imena osoba koje se u djelu spominju. Središnji dio rada posvećen je prezimenima zasvjedočenim u Kinchu oſzebuinome – prikazuju se tipovi identifikacijskih formula dio kojih su prezimena, ilustrira posredan način imenovanja pojedinca te promatra pojavnost prezimena iz Kincha oſzebuinog u Leksiku prezimena.
Deklinacija brojeva dva, oba, tri i četiri u kajkavskim pravnim tekstovima od 16. do 18. Stoljeća
(2007)
Autori se u članku bave deklinacijom brojeva dva, oba, tri i četiri u kajkavskim tekstovima pravne regulative od 16. do 18. stoljeća. Kao korpus za jezičnu analizu uzimaju 23 teksta iz 16. st., 40 tekstova iz 17. st. i 19 tekstova iz 18. st. U jezičnoj se analizi posebna pažnja posvećuje usporedbi između oblika dvojine i množine u deklinaciji brojeva dva i oba, kao i razvoju množinskih oblika u deklinaciji brojeva tri i četiri. Autori navode sve zabilježene oblike brojeva dva, oba, tri i četiri, uspoređuju njihovu pojavnost u različitom vremenskom presjeku i na temelju rezultata jezične analize nude deklinacijski tip navedenih brojeva. Deklinacija brojeva u kosim padežima promatra se s obzirom na to jesu li navedeni brojevi dijelom prijedložnih ili neprijedložnih izraza, a posebno je pitanje učestalosti indeklinabilnih oblika.