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It has been analyzed that the word order of English comparative inversion is analogous to that of other subject-auxiliary inversions in that only a finite auxiliary verb can be followed by the subject. However, English comparative inversion should be distinguished from other inversions because the subject can be located between a cluster of auxiliary verbs and the non-auxiliary verb phrase in English comparative inversion. Existing analyses on subject-auxiliary inversion cannot account for this special kind of inversion. This paper proposes a new phrase type for English comparative inversion within the construction-based HPSG. In addition, I suggest that constraints on properties of lexemes participating in the new phrase type are governed by the construction-based approach, while the word order of English comparative inversion is determined by rules that the word order domain approach adopts. Also, it will be shown that these proposals can capture the word order of nor-inversion, as-inversion, and so-inversion as well as that of comparative inversion.
The Japanese infinitive-clause construction (InfCx) and gerund-clause construction (GerCx), which are the most basic subordination structures (considered as coordination structures by some) in the language, may convey a wide range of interclausal semantic relations, including 'temporal sequence', 'cause', and 'manner', largely due to pragmatic enrichment. This work addresses the question of what the core meaning(s) of the two constructions is (are), and demonstrates (i) that the InfCx and GerCx indicate either that the first-clause eventuality precedes or temporally subsumes the second-clause eventuality or that the two clauses stand in the rhetorical relation of contrast, and (ii) that the GerCx has a distinct sense that the InfCx lacks, which gives rise to the 'resulting state' interpretation.
It is known that VP-ellipsis and VP-anaphora are typologically different phenomena. English has VP-ellipses whereas Korean has VP-anaphora. The goals of this paper are (i) to develop a unified algorithm which can analyze these two different phenomena and (ii) to explain them using the developed resolution algorithm. In order to analyze these phenomena, this paper incorporates Jager's anaphora resolution mechanism (2010) into the typed feature structure formalism of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG). In this paper, VP-ellipsis and VP-anaphora are analyzed as follows. First, English do and Korean kuleha-ta are introduced with the Geach value, and this value is changed with a slash-elimination rule. Then, one constituent combines with another by ordinary syntactic rules, while the information on the target predicate is percolated up. When a potential source appears, a slash-introduction rule is applied. Then, the source predicate activates the VP-resolution rule, and the target predicate is connected with the source in the semantic representations.
The dispreference for subject case ellipsis in OSV sentences has been analyzed as resulting from a violation of a structural requirement on the position of bare subject NPs (Ahn and Cho 2006a, 2006b, 2007). In this study, we present evidence from an acceptability rating experiment demonstrating that OSV sentences containing a case-ellipsed subject exhibit acceptability patterns different from ungrammatical sentences violating a core syntactic principle on case assignment and that these sentences are judged acceptable when the subject refers to expected, predictable information in context. This evidence supports the conclusion that the dispreference for subject case ellipsis in OSV sentences is due to violations of probabilistic constraints that favor case marking for rare types of subjects and such violations can be remedied by non-syntactic information.
The direct evidential "-te" in Korean: Its interaction with person and experiencer predicates
(2012)
This paper discusses the complex relations among the direct evidential "-te", person, and experiencer predicates in Korean. The questions of the paper are: (i) how the three components are related with each other in the evidential sentences, and (ii) how the interactions of the three components can be formally analyzed to correctly license only the well-formed evidential sentences. I show that in direct evidential construction with a non-private predicate (e.g. "pwutulep-" 'soft'), the asserter/epistemic authority (i.e. the speaker "na" 'I' in declarative or the addressee "ne" 'you' in question) must be the experiencer of the predicate, but there is no such constraint in direct evidential construction with a private predicate (e.g. "aphu-" 'sick'). I also show that the direct evidential construction with a non-private predicate is an instance of self-ascription. Then I propose an analysis of the experiencer predicates and associated lexical rules in the Minimal Recursion Semantics (MRS) (Copestake, et al., 2005) of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) (Pollard and Sag, 1994; Sag, et al., 2003).
The first measurement of neutron emission in electromagnetic dissociation of 208Pb nuclei at the LHC is presented. The measurement is performed using the neutron Zero Degree Calorimeters of the ALICE experiment, which detect neutral particles close to beam rapidity. The measured cross sections of single and mutual electromagnetic dissociation of Pb nuclei at sNN−−−√ = 2.76 TeV with neutron emission are σsingle EMD=187.4±0.2 (stat.) +13.2−11.2 (syst.) b and σmutual EMD=5.7±0.1 (stat.) ±0.4 (syst.) b, respectively. The experimental results are compared to the predictions from a relativistic electromagnetic dissociation model.
Suppression of high transverse momentum D mesons in central Pb-Pb collisions at √sNN = 2.76 TeV
(2012)
The production of the prompt charm mesons D0, D+, D∗+, and their antiparticles, was measured with the ALICE detector in Pb-Pb collisions at the LHC, at a centre-of-mass energy sNN−−−−√=2.76 TeV per nucleon--nucleon collision. The pT-differential production yields in the range 2<pT<16 GeV/c at central rapidity, |y|<0.5, were used to calculate the nuclear modification factor RAA with respect to a proton-proton reference obtained from the cross section measured at s√=7 TeV and scaled to s√=2.76 TeV. For the three meson species, RAA shows a suppression by a factor 3-4, for transverse momenta larger than 5 GeV/c in the 20% most central collisions. The suppression is reduced for peripheral collisions.
The ALICE experiment has measured the inclusive J/ψ production in Pb-Pb collisions at sNN−−−√=2.76 TeV down to zero transverse momentum in the rapidity range 2.5<y<4. A suppression of the inclusive J/ψ yield in Pb-Pb is observed with respect to the one measured in pp collisions scaled by the number of binary nucleon-nucleon collisions. The nuclear modification factor, integrated over the 0-80% most central collisions, is 0.545±0.032(stat.)±0.083(syst.) and does not exhibit a significant dependence on the collision centrality. These features appear significantly different from measurements at lower collision energies. Models including J/ψ production from charm quarks in a deconfined partonic phase can describe our data.
The ALICE experiment has measured the inclusive J/psi production in Pb-Pb collisions at sqrt(sNN) = 2.76 TeV down to zero transverse momentum in the rapidity range 2.5 < y < 4. A suppression of the inclusive J/psi yield in Pb-Pb is observed with respect to the one measured in pp collisions scaled by the number of binary nucleon-nucleon collisions. The nuclear modification factor, integrated over the 0%-80% most central collisions, is 0.545+/-0.032(stat)+/-0.083(syst) and does not exhibit a significant dependence on the collision centrality. These features appear significantly different from measurements at lower collision energies. Models including J/psi production from charm quarks in a deconfined partonic phase can describe our data.
The ALICE experiment has measured the inclusive J/psi production in Pb-Pb collisions at sqrt(sNN) = 2.76 TeV down to pt = 0 in the rapidity range 2.5 < y < 4. A suppression of the inclusive J/psi yield in Pb-Pb is observed with respect to the one measured in pp collisions scaled by the number of binary nucleon-nucleon collisions. The nuclear modification factor, integrated over the 0%-80% most central collisions, is 0.545 +/- 0.032 (stat.) +/- 0.084 (syst.) and does not exhibit a significant dependence on the collision centrality. These features appear significantly different from lower energy measurements. Models including J/psi production from charm quarks in a deconfined partonic phase can describe our data.