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Non-canonical word order and subject-object asymmetry in Korean case ellipsis

  • The dispreference for subject case ellipsis in OSV sentences has been analyzed as resulting from a violation of a structural requirement on the position of bare subject NPs (Ahn and Cho 2006a, 2006b, 2007). In this study, we present evidence from an acceptability rating experiment demonstrating that OSV sentences containing a case-ellipsed subject exhibit acceptability patterns different from ungrammatical sentences violating a core syntactic principle on case assignment and that these sentences are judged acceptable when the subject refers to expected, predictable information in context. This evidence supports the conclusion that the dispreference for subject case ellipsis in OSV sentences is due to violations of probabilistic constraints that favor case marking for rare types of subjects and such violations can be remedied by non-syntactic information.

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Metadaten
Author:Hanjung Lee, Nayoun Kim
URN:urn:nbn:de:hebis:30:3-716341
DOI:https://doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2012.24
ISSN:1535-1793
Parent Title (English):Proceedings of the ... International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG)
Publisher:CSLI Publications
Place of publication:Stanford, CA
Document Type:Conference Proceeding
Language:English
Date of Publication (online):2012/10/12
Year of first Publication:2012
Publishing Institution:Universitätsbibliothek Johann Christian Senckenberg
Contributing Corporation:International Conference on Head Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (19 : 2012 : Daejeon)
Release Date:2024/09/11
GND Keyword:Koreanisch; Kasus; Ellipse <Linguistik>; Wortstellung
Volume:19.2012
Page Number:16
First Page:427
Last Page:442
Dewey Decimal Classification:4 Sprache / 40 Sprache / 400 Sprache
4 Sprache / 41 Linguistik / 410 Linguistik
Sammlungen:Linguistik
Linguistik-Klassifikation:Linguistik-Klassifikation: Syntax
Licence (German):License LogoCreative Commons - CC BY - Namensnennung 4.0 International