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Languages in general have various possibilities to express one and the same propositional content. One of these possibilities is grammatical variation. This thesis is concerned with the variation of the linear word order in a clause and the effects triggered by word order alternations. Although sharing the same propositional content, different word order variants can carry different functions; word order variation can be used to achieve certain stylistic effects. The dissertation looks at functional and stylistic preferences of English regarding variation from the canonical word order in (1).
(1) [Ernie]S [sits]V [on the table]O. (SVO)
The variation under consideration is locative inversion (LOCI), exemplified in (2).
(2) On the table sits Ernie.
As any variation from the canonical word order is said to strongly depend on the grammatical system of the language a sentence is realized in, the perspective is extended to the word order equivalent of the sentence above in German (3). The goal is to highlight possible differences/similarities between English and German with respect to one specific word order variant in a declarative main clause.
(3) Auf dem Tisch liegt ein Brief.
On the table lies a letter
‘On the table lies a letter’.
As the variation from the canonical word order is not expected to be coincidental in both languages, the features that favor the pattern under consideration are examined. This is done through a statistical analysis by employing two comparable corpora, the BNC for English and the TÜPP D/Z for German. The central questions for the thesis therefore are: What are the functions of the inverted constructions in English and German, what features favor their use in the respective languages, and how are they realized syntactically?
One finding is that German uses the syntactic pattern PP-V-NP for very similar reasons this pattern is used for in English. There seems to be a general tendency to order shorter before longer constituents. The syntactic pattern under consideration fulfills similar discourse functions in both languages. Both languages show similar preferences, they are driven by similar factors when having to decide on whether to stay with the canonical order or to prepose (respectively invert) the canonically postverbal PP.
Language and transnationalism : language discourse in transnational Salsa communities of practice
(2013)
Language ideologies in contemporary Western societies are characterised by a strong influence of the idea that one language ‘pertains’ to one culture. Yet, cultural developments of globalisation, such as migration, the construction of transnational networks or global mass media, question national frameworks of culture and language.
In this thesis, after reviewing the field of language ideology and discussing historical examples of the development of national language discourse, language ideologies in a transnational context are examined. Using ethnographic research methods and a discursive approach to interview data, concepts and ideas revolving around language of transnational Communities of Practice constituted through Salsa dancing are analysed. Due to its connections to the Latin American cultural space, the practice of Salsa dancing in non-Latin contexts intrinsically constructs transnational ties. Different Salsa Communities of Practice are studied in Sydney, Australia, and Frankfurt, Germany. Interestingly, different local communities show very different ideologies concerning the role of language, multilingualism, concepts of authenticity or influences of capitalist discourse. The cross-national approach allows studying the influence of different national discourses on the formation of local ideologies in transnational contexts.
Thus, next to scrutinising the traditional concept of a ‘language’ and its relevance in a transnational age, the theoretical aim of this study is to analyse the interaction of discourses from different realms – local, regional, national, transnational – in the formation of contemporary discourses on language. These construct new symbolic meanings of language that co-exist next to the national concept of the relationship of language and culture, so that a multiplication of language boundaries can be considered to be a characteristic trait of contemporary language discourse.
Die vorliegende Arbeit diente der Gewinnung neuer Erkenntnisse über die historische Entwicklung und Typisierung von Fragesätzen. Die Analyse basiert auf Materialien verschiedener indogermanischer Sprachen (Griechisch, Armenisch, Gotisch, Altkirchenslavisch, Altrussisch) sowie einer außerindogermanischen kaukasischen Sprache (Altgeorgisch). Primär wurden Bibeltexte aus dem Alten und Neuen Testament anhand von Faksimileausgaben und elektronischen Textcorpora untersucht. Die Arbeit demonstrierte anhand von über 540 Beispielen, welche Kriterien, graphische oder grammatische Mittel, Fragewortstellung oder Satzgliederfolge, in den überlieferten Texten für die Entschlüsselung von Fragesätzen hilfreich waren. Für jede betrachtete Sprache wurde eine möglichst ausführliche Klassifikation der Hauptfragesatztypen vorgelegt. Ferner gehörte zum Untersuchungsobjekt der Arbeit die in den Fragesätzen implizierte Antworterwartung. Für die weitere Analyse dieser Erscheinung wurden die Fragesätze aufgrund ihrer formalen Kennzeichen für Antworterwartung und Bedeutung eingeteilt. Anhand des übereinzelsprachlichen Vergleiches war es möglich, die spezifischen interrogativen Charakteristika aufzuzeigen, die in den einzelnen Sprachen für die jeweiligen schriftlich fixierten Perioden typisch waren. Wenn relevant, wurden auch Daten aus jüngeren Sprachstufen herangezogen. Die zum Schluss vorgestellte Gegenüberstellung von indogermanischen und kaukasischen Sprachen war erforderlich, um nicht nur genetisch bedingte sprachspezifische Charakteristika von Fragesätzen aufzuzeigen, sondern auch allgemeinsprachliche spezifische Merkmale zu eruieren.
This dissertation investigated the development of the complementiser that from the demonstrative pronoun in the Germanic languages; each chapter dealt with a different aspect. In the introduction, the terms ‘reanalysis’ and ‘analogy’ and their relevance for grammaticalisation were explained, and the issues of the chapters were presented. The second chapter introduced some information about the Germanic language family and the languages which were relevant for this investigation, namely Gothic, Old English, Old Icelandic, Old Saxon and Old High German. Previous assumptions about the diachrony of that were presented and discussed. One of these proposals which mainly draws on evidence from West Germanic involves the idea that the source construction contained two independent main clauses with a demonstrative pronoun (that) at the end of the first clause (cf. e.g. Paul 1962, § 248). In contrast to this, the Gothic evidence showed that the source construction of the reanalysis of ϸatei was not a proper paratactic construction (at least in Gothic) but already a complex construction which contained a complementiser (ei) in the appositional subordinate clause (cf. also e.g. Longobardi 1994 for the diachrony of ϸatei). This contradiction raised the question whether the analysis of the Gothic that-complementiser also applies to the diachrony of that in West Germanic. This issue was taken up in the third chapter which presented an overview of subordination and complementisers in Northwest Germanic. The aim was to show that the Northwest Germanic languages also show a subordinating particle, which functions like the Gothic ei, namely ϸe (OE), er/es (OI), the (OHG, OS). As a result, the subordinating particle could be observed in relative and adverbial clauses in all Northwest Germanic languages. In complement clauses, which are most crucial for the argumentation, the subordinating particle is found in Old English and Old Icelandic but not in Old Saxon. In Old High German, there are only combinations of the with a following pronoun, theih and theiz, in ‘Otfrids Evangelienbuch’ (see Wunder 1965). Consequently, the presence of a subordinating particle is confirmed in North and West Germanic. The fact that the patterns of subordination are quite similar in all Germanic languages suggested a unitary analysis of the development of that in Germanic was appropriate. In chapter four, the similarities and differences between the Germanic languages with respect to the development of that were explained. It was argued that the preconditions of the reanalysis were the same, whereas the consequences of the reanalysis are realised differently in each language. The most important precondition was that the appositional source construction (explained in more detail below) was generally available in Germanic. Since the demonstrative pronoun at the end of the matrix clause and the subordinating particle of the subordinate clause were adjacent, phonological combination might have been crucial for the subsequent reanalysis to take place. After reanalysis, however, different changes can be observed in the different languages. For instance, it appears that during the Old English period the final syllable of the form ϸætte was deleted (see chapter 4 for references), whereas the final –ei is still present in the Gothic ϸatei, and completely absent in Old High German and Old Saxon. The source structure of the reanalysis was discussed in detail in a separate subsection. The appositional source construction, which was already assumed for the reanalysis of Gothic ϸatei, was compared with analyses of clitic left dislocation which propose that two constituents with the same theta-role derive from a Big DP (see e.g. Grewendorf 2009, Belletti 2005). Based on the Big DP analysis of Grewendorf (2009), it was claimed that the appositional clause, introduced by the subordinating particle, is generated in the Spec of a DP, and adjoined to this DP on the surface. It was argued that this whole complement DP-node occurred in an extraposed position in OV-languages so that the verb, when it stays in-situ, does not appear between the demonstrative pronoun and the subordinating particle. The structure in (1) illustrates the syntactic source structure which is assumed to apply to the development of the complementiser that in Germanic. ...
If we want to develop a semantic analysis for explicit performatives such as I promise you to free Willy, we are faced with the following puzzle: In order to account for the speech act expressed by the performative verb, one can assume that the so-called performative clause is purely performative and provides the illocutionary force of the speech act whose content is given by the semantic object denoted by the complement clause. Yet under this perspective, the performative clause that is, next to the performative verb, the indexicals I and you that refer to the speaker and to the addressee of the utterance context is semantically invisible and does not contribute compositionally its meaning to the meaning of the entire explicit performative sentence. Conversely, if we account for the truth conditional contribution of the performative clause and deny that the meaning of the performative verb is purely performative, then we have to find a way to account for the speech act expressed by the performative verb. Of course, there is already the widely accepted and very appealing indirectness account for explicit performative utterances developed by Bach & Harnish (1979). Roughly, Bach and Harnish solve this puzzle in deriving the performativity by means of a pragmatic inference process. According to them, the important speech act performed by means of the utterance of the explicit performative sentence is a kind of the conventionalized indirect speech act. However, the boundary between semantics and pragmatics can be drawn in many various ways. Therefore, I think there could be other perspectives regarding the interface between the truth-functional treatment of the declarative explicit performative sentences and the speech acts performed with their utterances and which are expressed by the performative verbs. Hence, this thesis consists in the experiment to develop a further analysis and to check out its consequences with respect to the semantics and pragmatics of explicit performative utterances and the new interface emerged. Briefly, the experiment runs as follows: First, I develop an analysis for explicit performative sentences framed by parenthetical structures such as in (1)(a). In a second step, this parenthetical analysis is applied to the proper Austinian explicit performative sentences in (1)(b). (1) a. Tomorrow, I promise you this, I will teach them Tyrolean songs. b. I promise you that I will teach them Tyrolean songs. To analyze at first explicit performatives framed by parenthetical structures bears the convenience that we are faced with two utterances of two main clauses. In (1)(a) there is the utterance of the host sentence Tomorrow I will teach them Tyrolean songs, and the utterance of the explicit parenthetical I promise you this, where the demonstrative this refers to the utterance of Tomorrow I will teach them Tyrolean songs. Since speakers perform speech acts with utterances of main clauses, I assume that the meaning of the explicit parenthetical I promise you this specifies that the actual illocutionary force of the utterance of Tomorrow I will teach them Tyrolean songs is the illocutionary force of a promise. Hence, instead of deriving an indirect illocutionary force by means of a pragmatic inference schema, we can deal with an ordinary direct speech act that is performed with the utterance of the host sentence. This kind of analysis stresses the particular discourse function of explicit performative utterances. Performative verbs are used whenever the contextual information is not sufficient to determine the illocutionary force of the corresponding implicit speech act. The resulting consequences of the parenthetical analysis are interesting since they cast a different light on performative verbs. Surprisingly, the performative verbs are not performative at all. They do not constitute the execution of a speech act, but are execution supporting. Instead of constituting the particular illocutionary force, they merely specify the illocutionary force of the utterance of the host sentence. For instance, the speaker utters the explicit parenthetical I promise you this for specifying what he is simultaneously doing. Hence the speaker does not succeed in performing the promise simply because he is uttering I promise you this. Rather, by means of the information conveyed by the utterance of I promise you this, the potential illocutionary forces of the utterance of the host sentence are disambiguated. Thus, it is not the case that explicit parentheticals are trivially true when uttered. Their function is more complex. Their self-verifying property (‘saying so makes it so’) is explained by means of disambiguation. Furthermore, according to the parenthetical analysis, instead of being purely performative, the performative verbs contribute compositionally their meanings to the truth conditions of the entire explicit performative sentence. Together with its consequences, this analysis is applied to the proper Austinian performatives, which display subordination. I assume that regardless of their structure, explicit performatives always semantically and pragmatically behave as the parenthetical analysis predicts.
This dissertation is concerned with the phenomenon of intervention effects, observed in three different domains: wh-questions, alternative questions (AltQ) and Negative Polarity Item (NPI) licensing. I propose that these three domains share some common properties, namely, they all involve focus-sensitive licensing, and are thus sensitive to an intervening focus phrase. The overview of the dissertation is as follows. In chapter 2, I discuss the phenomenon of intervention effects in wh-questions, brought to light in the discussion of German in Beck (1996), and Korean in Beck and Kim (1997). The basic idea of their analysis is that quantifiers block LF wh-movement. I show that intervention effects are observed in many other languages, too, suggesting that the intervention effect has a universal character. I then point out some problems with the analysis proposed by Beck (1996) and Beck and Kim (1997). In chapter 3, I propose a new generalization of the wh-intervention effects, namely that the core set of interveners, which is crosslinguistically stable, consists of focus phrases (and not quantifiers in general). Furthermore, I argue that the wh-intervention effect is actually an instance of the more general intervention effect, the "Focus Intervention Effect", which says that in a focus-sensitive licensing construction, no independent focus phrase may intervene between the licensor Op and the licensee XP. The underlying idea is that the Q operator is a focus-sensitive operator and that wh-phrases in-situ are dependent (i.e., semantically deficient) focus elements, which must be associated with the Q operator in order to be interpreted. An intervening independent focus operator precisely blocks that association. I further propose that the domain of focus-sensitive licensing includes not only wh-licensing, but also AltQ-licensing and NPI-licensing. In chapter 4, I show that alternative questions are also subject to the focus intervention effect, just like wh-questions. I provide evidence that the intervention effect in wh-questions and in alternative questions should receive a parallel analysis, in terms of focus-sensitivity. In chapter 5, I discuss a third construction which is sensitive to the focus intervention effect: the licensing of Negative Polarity Items (NPIs). I show that focus consistently blocks NPI licensing, with data from German and Korean. I propose that NPIs are also semantically deficient focus elements, which need to be associated with a NEG operator. Finally, chapter 6 summarizes the intervention effects and suggests some topics for future research into the precise nature of the intervention effect.
Worum geht es in dieser Arbeit? Dies ist eine Arbeit über Websites. Darüber, wie sie gelesen und geschrieben werden und wie man das lernen kann. Da es in dieser Arbeit um Lesen, Schreiben und Lernen geht, fließen in sie sowohl Aspekte der Sprachwissenschaft als auch der Sprachdidaktik ein. Was will diese Arbeit? Diese Arbeit hat zwei Ziele, ein sprachwissenschaftliches und ein sprachdidaktisches. In sprachwissenschaftlicher Hinsicht sollen, auf der Grundlage einer gründlichen Analyse seiner Eigenschaften, die Besonderheiten des Lesens und Schreibens im World Wide Web herausgearbeitet werden. Aufbauend auf dieser Analyse sollen im sprachdidaktischen Teil der Arbeit die Kompetenzen ermittelt und in Beziehung zueinander gesetzt werden, die zur Erstellung von Websites notwendig sind. Das so entstehende Kompetenzmodell bildet die Basis für eine zielgerichtete, effektive und evaluierbare Umsetzung der Gestaltung von Websites in der Schule und die Grundlage für weiterführende empirische Arbeiten. Wie ist die Arbeit aufgebaut? Im ersten Kapitel der Arbeit wird die Entwicklung der technischen und strukturellen Formate geschildert, welche die Grundlage des Websiteformats bilden. Darauf aufbauend werden seine wichtigsten Eigenschaften beschrieben. Im zweiten Kapitel wird das Websiteformat von anderen kommunikativen Formaten abgegrenzt und mit Hilfe der besonderen Charakteristika, die es besitzt, sein überwältigender Erfolg erklärt. Im dritten Kapitel wird unter Rückgriff auf Ergebnisse der Leseforschung und empirische Untersuchungen zum Lesen im World Wide Web erarbeitet, welchen Einfluss das Websiteformat auf das Lesen von Texten hat und welche Unterschiede es zum Lesen von Texten in anderen kommunikativen Formaten gibt. Auf dieser Grundlage wird ein Bewertungs- und Analyseraster für die Lesbarkeit von Texten im Websiteformat entwickelt. Im vierten Kapitel wird auf der Grundlage verschiedener Modelle des Schreibprozesses dargestellt, was das Schreiben für das Websiteformat vom Schreiben für andere Formate unterscheidet, was dabei besonders beachtet werden muss und welche Entwicklungen für die Zukunft zu erwarten sind. Dabei werden, unter Berücksichtigung des in Kapitel drei erarbeiteten Bewertungs- und Analyserasters, Hinweise für eine sinnvolle Vorgehensweise bei der Gestaltung von Websites gegeben. Im fünften Kapitel wird vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen bildungspolitischen Diskussion ein Kompetenzmodell für die Gestaltung von Websites entwickelt, das als Basis für die Festlegung von Bildungsstandards und die Beschreibung der Rahmenbedingungen dient, unter denen diese in der Schule verwirklicht werden können. In einer abschließenden Diskussion werden die wichtigsten Ergebnisse nochmals herausgearbeitet und es wird auf Perspektiven für zukünftige sprachwissenschaftliche und sprachdidaktische Forschungsvorhaben hingewiesen.
Die Aussprache fremdländischer Orts- und Eigennamen kann deutschsprachige Rundfunksprecher vor größere Probleme stellen. Denn es gibt in anderen Sprachen Laute, die im Deutschen nicht vorkommen. Auch die Graphem-Phonem-Verbindungen entsprechen oft nicht den deutschen Regeln. Beim Hessischen Rundfunk existiert für die gesamte ARD die so genannte „Aussprache-Datenbank“, bei der Sprecher (in der Regel Nachrichtensprecher) die Aussprache solcher Orts- und Eigennamen erfragen können. In der vorliegenden Dissertation werden phonetisch begründete Regeln erarbeitet, wie – ausgehend von einer Transkription nach IPA in der Originalsprache – Orts- und Eigennamen des Dänischen, Schwedischen und Norwegischen durch deutschsprachige Rundfunksprecher ausgesprochen werden sollten. Dabei werden auch die Graphem-Phonem-Relation sowie die Phonotaktik der Ausgangssprache im Vergleich zum Deutschen berücksichtigt. Damit liegt erstmals ein standardisiertes Verfahren vor, das eine einheitliche und phonetisch begründete Vorgehensweise bei der Erarbeitung eines Aussprachevorschlags für dänische, schwedische und norwegische Orts- und Eigennamen ermöglicht.