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As work like McCarthy (2002: 128) notes, pre-Optimality Theory (OT) phonology was primarily concerned with representations and theories of subsegmental structure. In contrast, the role of representations and choice of structural models has received little attention in OT. Some central representational issues of the pre-OT era have, in fact, become moot in OT (McCarthy 2002: 128). Further, as work like Baković (2007) notes, even for assimilatory processes where representation played a central role in the pre-OT era, constraint interaction now carries the main explanatory burden. Indeed, relatively few studies in OT (e.g., Rose 2000; Hargus & Beavert 2006; Huffmann 2005, 2007; Morén 2006) have argued for the importance of phonological representations. This paper intends to contribute to this work by reanalyzing a set of processes related to vowel harmony in Shimakonde, a Bantu language spoken in Mozambique and Tanzania. These processes are of particular interest, as Liphola’s (2001) study argues that they are derivationally opaque and so not amenable to an OT analysis. I show that the opacity disappears given the proper choice of representations for vowel features and a metrical harmony domain.
Über das Gänsespiel, (Jeu de l’oie, Giuoco dell’Oca, Juego de la Oca, Game of the Goose,Ganzenspel, Gaasespil), ein Würfellaufspiel mit 63 Feldern, ist bereits viel geforscht und geschrieben worden. Die Forschung durch einen kleinen Mosaikstein zu bereichern und dem Jubilar dadurch eine Freude zu bereiten, ist das Ziel [des] vorliegenden Beitrages. Wie zu zeigen sein wird, hat die Druckgraphik – ein bevorzugtes Forschungsgebiet des Jubilars – bei der Ausbreitung des Spiels von seinen Anfängen an eine große Rolle gespielt. Diese in Italien oder Frankreich zu suchenden Anfänge des Gänsespiels werden in der Forschung allgemein auf die Wende vom 15. zum 16. Jahrhundert gelegt, und es herrscht Übereinstimmung darüber, dass das Spiel zunächst in Adelskreisen beheimatet war und um Geld gespielt wurde, bevor es mit Hilfe gedruckter populärer Spielbogen allmählich in andere Bevölkerungsschichten vorgedrungen ist und letztendlich in der Kinderwelt landete.
Den Menschen als Abbild Gottes aufzufassen, war mehr als nur eine theologische Richtungsentscheidung im spätantiken Europa. Sie betraf auch die Literatur. Grundsätzlicher als bisher von den Literaturgeschichten in den Blick genommen, ist die Bedeutung der christlichen Anthropologie für die europäische Literatur – das ist die These, die hier plausibilisiert werden soll. Doch nicht so, als dass diese europäische Literatur seit der Spätantike einfach christlich in ihren Themen noch in ihren Formen geworden wäre. Das ist sie sicherlich auch vielfach der Fall, man denke nur an die Durchsetzung etwa des Codex anstelle der Buchrolle, der Entfaltung neuer Gattungen wie der Legenden oder christlicher Moralvorstellung in den Büchern von Sebastian Brant bis Dostojewski. Vielmehr so, dass die europäische Literatur eine andere geworden ist, weil sie sich mit der christlichen Auffassung vom Menschen als Abbild Gottes auseinanderzusetzen hatte. Denn diese Lehre stellt die Literatur und andere Künste grundsätzlich in Frage, eben weil sie den Menschen so radikal in Frage stellt.
Im Kompilationsschrifttum der Frühen Neuzeit bildet die Tragica- und Criminalliteratur eine eigene Masse. In zahllosen Historien wird ein Schreckenspanorama ausgebreitet. Vergehen mit bösen Folgen laufen auf große Verbrechen hinaus, Lug und Betrug, Liebesverirrung und Ehebruch auf Todschlag und Mord mit spätestens hier sinnverwirrten, besessenen und getriebenen Tätern. [...] Es kommt aber eine ebenso extreme, harsche Normierung hinzu. Zur Geschichte der Tat gehört unweigerlich die Hinrichtung des Täters. Die Mordnachrichten sind damit eigentlich Exekutionsberichte. Die Texte dienen auch dem Erweis 'guter Policey', die hier Zeichen setzt für die Konsolidierung der politischen und sozialen Systeme im Prozess der Frühen Neuzeit.
Dass gerade das 16. und 17. Jahrhundert in der abendländischen Trinkkultur eine Zeit außerordentlich hohen Alkoholkonsums waren, ist hinlänglich bekannt. Die Berichte über große, oft tagelange Trinkgelage sind Legion und die „Tischzuchten“ des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts wissen vom Zutrinken, vom Bescheid Geben, vom Weiterreichen des Bechers detaillierte Einzelheiten der Trinksitten zu berichten. Das Trinken mit einer Hand galt lange noch als verpönt, aber die Regularien waren oft recht kompliziert – Festgelage waren vom Willkommensgruß über die zahlreichen auszusprechenden Toasts an adeligen Tafeln ebenso wie in Zunftstuben häufig strengen Normen unterworfen, während die ländliche Kirmes ebenfalls den exzessiven Alkoholgenuss, aber weniger strenge Regeln kannte. Auch häusliche Feste und Wirtshausbesuche endeten nicht selten im Vollrausch der Beteiligten. Und der Verlauf derartiger Szenarien nahm bei dem hohen Alkoholkonsum oft bizarre Formen an – das Trinken bis
zur Trunkenheit, ja Bewusstlosigkeit war in allen sozialen Schichten und auch bei beiden Geschlechtern zu finden. Doch die Stimmen zur Mäßigung waren nicht erst seit Erasmus von
Rotterdam und mit den Reformatoren immer lauter geworden. Der Siegeszug der großen Ernüchterer Kaffee, Tee und Schokolade, der die Trinkkultur revolutionieren sollte, hatte aber erst zaghaft begonnen. Dass im 17. Jahrhundert, einer Zeit des noch immer sehr hohen Alkoholkonsums, eine so elegante und hohe Konzentration erfordernde Handgeste wie die hier in Frage stehende verbreitet gewesen sein soll, überrascht denn doch und ist einer näheren Betrachtung wert. Da nur dieser spezielle Aspekt interessiert, werden keine ausführlichen Bildbeschreibungen und Gesamtinterpretationen geboten. Die Erforschung der Gesten und Gebärden und der Körpersprache in der Frühen Neuzeit hat in den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten große Fortschritte gemacht. War schon mit Norbert Elias der Übergang vom „unordentlichen Leib“ zum zivilisierten und disziplinierten „geordneten Körper“ in zahlreichen Einzelheiten zu beobachten und mit Mary Douglas der Körper und die Körpersprache als Symbol für soziale Beziehungen zu interpretieren, so ist das Feld der nonverbalen Kommunikation inzwischen reich bestellt.
In un'intervista rilasciata in piena maturità a ricordo degli anni di gioventù, Bloch concentra la sua attenzione sulle rilessioni antimilitaristiche contenute in 'Spirito dell'utopia' (1918 e 1923). soprattutto riformula quella questione che – proposta con veemenza nella Introduzione (dal titolo Intenzione) del suo libro – attraversa come un ilo sotterraneo tutta la sua produzione giovanile: "dove deve essere rintracciata l'origine di quella cecità che ha portato al crimine della guerra? perché il popolo dei poeti e dei pensatori ha imboccato il vicolo cieco del primo conlitto mondiale?".
La vis polemica di Bloch nei confronti dello storico colpo di tuono emerge dai passi iniziali di 'Spirito dell’utopia', uno studio che – come segnala l'"avvertenza" del 1936 – è stato "sviscerato e realizzato di note contro la guerra". È soprattutto a un intenso brano della "Intenzione" che bloch affida la sua denuncia della barbarie della prima conflagrazione bellica, inquadrandola in uno 'Zeitgeist' di generale immiserimento economico e morale.
Glottal marking of vowel-initial German words by glottalization and glottal stop insertion were investigated in dependence on speech rate, word type (content vs. function words), word accent, phrasal position and the following vowel. The analysed material consisted of speeches of Konrad Adenauer, Thomas Mann and Richard von Weizsäcker. The investigation shows that not only the left boundary of accented syllables (including phrasal stress boundary) and lexical words favour glottal stops/glottalization, but also that the segmental level appears to have a strong impact on these insertion processes. Specifically, the results show that low vowels in contrast to non-low ones favour glottal stops/glottalization even before non-accented syllables and functional words.
This paper tests three current theories of the phonology-syntax interface – Truckenbrodt (1995), Pak (2008) and Cheng & Downing (2007, 2009) – on the prosody of relative clauses in Chewa. Relative clauses, especially restrictive relative clauses, provide an ideal data set for comparing these theories, as they each make distinct predictions about the optimal phrasing. We show that the asymmetrical phase-edge based approach developed to account for similar Zulu prosodic phrasing by Cheng & Downing also best accounts for the Chewa data.
In Nłeʔkepmxcin, consonant-heavy inventories, lengthy obstruent clusters and widespread glottalization can make potential F0 cues to prosodic phrase boundaries (e.g. boundary tones or declination reset) difficult to observe phonetically. In this paper, I explore a test that exploits one behaviour of phrasefinal consonant clusters to test for prosodic phrasing in Nłeʔkepmxcin clauses. Final /t/ of the 1pl marker kt is aspirated when phrase-final, but not phraseinternally. Use of this test suggests that Thompson Salish speakers parse verbs, arguments and adjuncts into separate phonological phrases. However, complex verbal predicates and complex noun phrases are parsed as single phonological phrases. Implications are discussed, especially in regards to findings that (absence of) pitch accent is not employed to signal the informational categories of Focus and Givenness, even though Nłeʔkepmxcin is a stress language.
The aim of this paper is to try to explain how the Tooro system, which phonologically lacks tone, has come into being, by examining comparatively the tone system of each language itself and also by closely looking at the differences which exist among the Haya, Ankole and Nyoro systems (Kiga data insufficient) in order to look for phonetic reasons of the tone changes.
"The documentation of... descriptive generalizations is sometimes clearer and more accessible when expressed in terms of a detailed formal reconstruction, but only in the rare and happy case that the formalism fits the data so well that the resulting account is clearer and easier to understand than the list of categories of facts that it encodes.... [If not], subsequent scholars must often struggle to decode a description in an out-of-date formal framework so as to work back to... the facts.... which they can re-formalize in a new way. Having experienced this struggle often ourselves, we have decided to accommodate our successors by providing them directly with a plainer account." (Akinlabi & Liberman 2000:24)
This questionnaire is intended as an aid to eliciting different relative clause types – restrictive, non-restrictive, free, cleft. We have taken care to include examples where the head plays a variety of grammatical functions in the relative clause (subject, object, indirect object, possessor, adjunct). We have also taken care to include examples where the relative clause is in different positions in the sentence: initial, medial and extraposed. The questionnaire is intended as a guide, only, as every language will have its own set of possibilities and complications. At the end of the questionnaire is a checklist, as well as some illustrative examples in English and Swahili of the basic relative clause types. While we had Bantu languages in mind in devising the questionnaire, we hope it could also be useful to linguists with an interest in other languages.
In this paper I investigate the usage of the adverb and particle 'so' in spontaneous speech (interviews) collected from 21 speakers of the urban multi-ethnolectal youth language Kiezdeutsch. Speakers from the neighborhoods Kreuzberg and Wedding in Berlin are ranging in age from 14 to 18. The 1454 tokens of so available in the corpus (about 5 hours of speech) were classified into 10 different categories; some were structurally defined while others were defined along dimensions of meaning. Our current results indicate that there are differential usages patterns depending on the speaker's gender and age for some of these categories. Further, it appears that some patterns that have been attributed grammatical meaning may not appear frequently enough to establish a separate meaningful grammatical category. Rather, most instances of this kind of use of so appear to have a hedging function, indicating speakers' non-commitance to a specific circumstance.
This paper deals with the possessive constructions — either connective or relative — in Mbochi (C25), a Bantu language spoken in Congo-Brazzaville. In Mbochi, as in most languages of the same group (C20), the underlying /CV-/ form of nominal prefixes never surfaces as such but is targeted by two main processes: consonantal dissimilation and vowel elision. Both processes are in complementary distribution and the alternations triggered by them may explain the surface forms of both connective and relative constructions. In order to provide the necessary background for the study of Mbochi relative clauses, the three subject markers of Mbochi are introduced and the main verbal suffixes are also discussed. Thereafter, a detailed presentation and analysis of the relative constructions is given. Finally, we discuss the prosody of these constructions, showing that relative clauses in Mbochi have no particular tonal markers and we propose a model involving superimposed boundary tones to account for their intonation.
Cet article propose une réflexion sur la manière dont la langue bàsàa (Bantu A 43 parlée au Cameroun) exprime la relativisation. En l’absence d’une classe grammaticale de pronoms relatifs la langue utilise la classe des démonstratifs. La stratégie démonstrative mise en place peut selon les cas, associer la classe des locatifs pour déterminer les degrés de définitude. La langue distingue également les relatives restrictives des relatives non-restrictives qui sont soit descriptives, soit emphatiques. Du point de vue prosodique, la fin de la relative en bàsàa coïncide avec une finale de Groupe Intonatif.
We focus in this paper on two prosodic phenomena in Chimwiini: vowel length and accent (or High tone). Vowel length is determined in part by a lexical distinction between long and short vowels, and also by various morphophonemic processes that derive long vowels. Accent is penult in the default case, but final under certain morphosyntactic conditions. In order to account for the distribution of vowel length and the location of accents in a Chimwiini sentence, it is necessary to segment sentences into a sequence of phonological phrases. This paper examines the phonological phrasing of both canonical relative clauses and what we refer to as "pseudo-relative" clauses. An account of relative clause phrasing is of critical importance in Chimwiini due to the extensive use of pseudo-relatives in the language. Close examination of the pseudo-relatives reveals that their phrasing is not exactly the same as the phrasing of canonical relative clauses.
Símákonde is an Eastern Bantu language (P23) spoken by immigrant Mozambican communities in Zanzibar and on the Tanzanian mainland. Like other Makonde dialects and other Eastern and Southern Bantu languages (Hyman 2009), it has lost the historical Proto-Bantu vowel length contrast and now has a regular phrase-final stress rule, which causes a predictable bimoraic lengthening of the penultimate syllable of every Prosodic Phrase. The study of the prosody / syntax interface in Símákonde Relative Clauses requires to take into account the following elements: the relationship between the head and the relative verb, the conjoint / disjoint verbal distinction and the various phrasing patterns of Noun Phrases. Within Símákonde noun phrases, depending on the nature of the modifier, three different phrasing situations are observed: a modifier or modifiers may (i) be required to phrase with the head noun, (ii) be required to phrase separately, or (iii) optionally phrase with the head noun.
This paper examines locative relatives in Durban Zulu. We show that locative relatives differ from nominal relatives crucially in prosodic phrasing as well as in resumptive pronoun marking. We propose that the best way to account for locative relatives in Zulu is to resort to the old style adjunction analysis of relative clauses, with an empty operator. The system we propose assumes that such an adjunction analysis co-exists with a head-raising analysis, which accounts for the nominal relative clauses.
Símákonde is an Eastern Bantu language (P23) spoken by immigrant Mozambican communities in Zanzibar and on the Tanzanian mainland. Like other Makonde dialects and other Eastern and Southern Bantu languages (Hyman 2009), it has lost the historical Proto-Bantu vowel length contrast and now has a regular phrase-final stress rule, which causes a predictable bimoraic lengthening of the penultimate syllable of every Prosodic Phrase. The study of the prosody / syntax interface in Símákonde Relative Clauses requires to take into account the following elements: the relationship between the head and the relative verb, the conjoint / disjoint verbal distinction and the various phrasing patterns of Noun Phrases. Within Símákonde noun phrases, depending on the nature of the modifier, three different phrasing situations are observed: a modifier or modifiers may (i) be required to phrase with the head noun, (ii) be required to phrase separately, or (iii) optionally phrase with the head noun.
The morpho-syntax of relative clauses in Sotho-Tswana is relatively well-described in the literature. Prosodic characteristics, such as tone, have received far less attention in the existing descriptions. After reviewing the basic morpho-syntactic and semantic features of relative clauses in Tswana, the current paper sets out to present and discuss prosodic aspects. These comprise tone specifications of relative clause markers such as the demonstrative pronoun that acts as the relative pronoun, relative agreement concords and the relative suffix. Further prosodic aspects dealt with in the current article are tone alternations at the juncture of relative pronoun and head noun, and finally the tone patterns of the finite verbs in the relative clause. The article aims at providing the descriptive basis from which to arrive at generalizations concerning the prosodic phrasing of relative clauses in Tswana.