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Die Verbindung feministischer Themen und Fragestellungen mit dem Dispositiv der Populärkultur wird unter dem Label 'Popfeminismus' verhandelt. Um diesen Sammelbegriff ist eine lebhafte Diskussion entbrannt: Ist die Performativität des Pop als Chance zu begreifen, breiten Gesellschaftsschichten feministische Anliegen zugänglich zu machen? Oder handelt es sich dabei doch nur um die marktwirtschaftliche Vereinnahmung einer gesellschaftspolitischen Strömung? Das skizzierte Spannungsverhältnis verschärft sich in einem sexualisierten und hypermaskulinen Subgenre wie dem Gangsta Rap. Das Online-Magazin der Wochenzeitung "Die Zeit" kürte den deutschen Gangsta Rap jüngst zur erfolgreichsten Jugendkultur der 2010er-Jahre. Rapper wie Bonez MC oder Gzuz landen einen Chart-Erfolg nach dem anderen, und zwar mit äußerst sexistischen, misogynen, homo- und transphoben, ableistischen und gewaltverherrlichenden Texten. Angesichts der nicht von der Hand zu weisenden kulturellen Prägekraft des Gangsta Raps und seiner identitätsstiftenden Wirkung auf junge Menschen gewinnt die Frage nach der Kommensurabilität von Feminismus und Hip-Hop noch einmal an Bedeutung: Sind feministische bzw. intersektionale Perspektiven mit der Sprache, den Bildern und Symbolen einer männlich-chauvinistischen Szene überhaupt vereinbar? Mit welchen sprachlich-medialen Strategien antworten Künstlerinnen der Rap-Szene auf diesen Widerspruch? Mit diesen und anderen Fragen befasst sich der vorliegende Beitrag.
Rethinking smartness
(2023)
Like many metropolitan centers around the world, Berlin aspires to be a "smart city." Making a city smart usually involves constructing a dense net of sensors, often embedded in and around more traditional infrastructures throughout the urban environment, such as transportation systems, electrical grids, and water systems. The process also requires the city to solicit the distributed input of its inhabitants through active technological means, such as smart phone apps. Finally, the city employs high-end computing and learning algorithms to analyze the resulting data, with the goal of optimizing urban technical, social, and political processes. Yet, perhaps counterintuitively, a smart city is not synonymous with a utopian - or even a specific - form of the city, which would then remain stable for the foreseeable future. In this sense, the smart city is quite unlike utopian cities as they were imagined in the past, when it was presumed that a specific form - such as Le Corbusier's "Radiant City" or the concentric circles of Ebenezer Howard's garden cities - would enable a specific goal, such as integration of humans into natural processes, or economic growth, or an increase in collective happiness, or democratic political participation. Rather, a city is "smart" when it achieves the capacity to adjust to any new and unexpected threats and possibilities that may emerge from the city's ecological, political, social, and economic environments (a capacity that is generally referred to in planning documents with the term "resilience"). In short, a smart city is a site of perpetual learning, and a city is smart when it achieves the capacity to engage in perpetual learning.
This essay analyzes the semantics of fog in the context of neoliberal austerity in Portugal. Drawing on portraits of young Portuguese in the style of vignettes, the essay historicizes the political and epistemological uses of fog as a medium. Attending to the materiality of fog - a blurring through which visibility occurs - the argument unearths the logical structure of recurrence in and as crisis as it affects the powers of decision-making. The goal is to push the limits of this recurring structure into the present, in order to better expose how two seemingly opposite historical eras - authoritarianism and neoliberalism - share, in fact, the enduring structure of potentiation in language and governance.
The resistance of aesthetics consists in the mode of experience that art affords, which promotes individual consciousness and political awareness by exploding the dualisms with which we tend to simplify things: centralization and decentralization, totality and fragmentation, communism and neoliberal capitalism, dictatorship and democracy. Although the formal complexity and ambiguous compositions met in works by the likes of Picasso, Woolf, and Schönberg most obviously support this sort of experience, it can be drawn out of all art to various degrees. Indeed, what distinguishes these modernists from the artists who came before and after them is how they set aesthetic experience as the aim of artistic production. But no work of art can be reduced either to the whole or to the sum of its parts; either to systematicity or to formlessness. Strictly speaking, the opposing ideals of classical and critical aesthetics are not two distinct aesthetic positions, but the theoretical limits between which art unfolds. By analogy, totalitarian governance and social atomism are not oppositional political materializations, but the two extremes at which politics ends.