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The goal of this paper is to re-examine the status of the condition in (1) proposed in Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (2001; henceforth A&A 2001), in view of recent developments in syntactic theory. (1) The subject-in-situ generalization (SSG) By Spell-Out, vP can contain only one argument with a structural Case feature. We argue that (1) is a more general condition than previously recognized, and that the domain of its application is parametrized. More specifically, based on a comparison between Indo-European (IE) and Khoisan languages, we argue that (1) supports an interpretation of the EPP as a general principle, and not as a property of T. Viewed this way, the SSG is a condition that forces dislocation of arguments as a consequence of a constraint on Case checking.
Ein zentrales Thema in den Arbeiten Klaus Welkes ist die Analyse formal bestimmter Relationen, die semantisch interpretierbar sind (vgl. etwa WELKE 1988, 1992, 1994, 2001, 22005). Wichtige Fragestellungen sind hier insbesondere: Wie ist die Hierarchie logisch-pragmatischer Rollen, wie die syntaktischer Funktionen? Wie hängen die beiden Bereiche zusammen? Wie können wir dies mit Hilfe von Argumentstrukturen erfassen? Der vorliegende Beitrag wird sich mit dem hierfür zentralen Aspekt der Verknüpfung syntaktischer und semantischer Relationen aus einer evolutionären Perspektive befassen. In Übereinstimmung mit WELKE (22005) gehe ich davon aus, „daß es neben einer Syntax formaler Strukturen auch eine Syntax semantischer Strukturen gibt“ (WELKE 22005, 4) und untersuche vor diesem Hintergrund, wie eine Entstehung dieser beiden Domänen und die Verknüpfung der betreffenden Strukturen im Rahmen der Evolution menschlicher Sprache aussehen könnte.
Für das Präpositionalattribut des Deutschen existieren bei einer Übertragung ins Ungarische vielfältige Übersetzungsvarianten. Die den deutschen Präpositionalphrasen entsprechenden Postpositionalphrasen und kasussuffigierten Nominalphrasen gehen in Attributsfunktion dem Kopf der Nominalphrase in der Regel voran und sind dann in partizipiale oder adjektivische Strukturen einzubetten. Die der deutschen Konstruktion entsprechende Postponierung dieser Attribute gewinnt allerdings in der modernen Standardsprache immer mehr an Raum. Gleichfalls lässt sich in einigen Textsorten eine Ausbreitung des sog. postpositionalen Adjektivs konstatieren. Lassen sich beide Phänomene gegebenenfalls als Symptome eines Nominalstils im Ungarischen werten?
Introduction
(2007)
The annotation guidelines introduced in this chapter present an attempt to create a unique infrastructure for the encoding of data from very different languages. The ultimate target of these annotations is to allow for data retrieval for the study of information structure, and since information structure interacts with all levels of grammar, the present guidelines cover all levels of grammar too. After introducing the guidelines, the current chapter also presents an evaluation by means of measurements of the inter-annotator agreement.
U radu se prikazuje i analizira leksikografski status brojevnih riječi u Rječniku hrvatskoga kajkavskoga književnog jezika. Prilaže se popis brojevnih riječi obrađenih u rječniku, utvrđuje se u kojoj su mjeri u rječničkome članku zastupljeni elementi gramatičkoga opisa i navode li se oni dosljedno. Analiziraju se elementi definicije brojevnih riječi i njezina koherentnost.
U radu se daje pregled problema povezanih s normativnim statusom čestičnih/vezničkih skupina da li, je li i čestice/veznika li. Pokazuje se da postoji nekoliko pogrješaka povezanih s tumačenjem normativnog statusa i raspodjele tih skupina i te čestice te se provjerava normativno pravilo prema kojemu skupinu da li treba u standardnome jeziku zamijeniti česticom li (o tome se posve pogrješno često piše kao o zamjeni da li s je li, a skupina je li, s iznimkom skupine je li da koja ima funkciju dopunskoga pitanja, u standardnome jeziku ne postoji kao čestična/veznička skupina jer je njezin prvi član uvijek 3. lice prezenta glagola biti). Određuje se normativni status skupine je li, tj. pokazuje se da je ona u hrvatskome jeziku ili zastarjela ili da pripada razgovornomu stilu. Također se provjeravaju pravila u skladu s kojima se normativni status skupine da li u izravnome pitanju razlikuje od njezina statusa u neizravnome pitanju i prema kojima se skupina da li i u standardnome jeziku pojavljuje pri izricanju potvrdnosti te u alternativnim pitanjima. Donose se uvjeti zamjenjivosti skupina da li česticom/veznikom li, tj. izdvajaju se sintaktički konteksti u kojima ta zamjena nije potrebna ili nije moguća.
U radu se analizira sintaktička funkcija participa u hrvatskome jeziku 15./16. st. jer su se otprilike u to vrijeme u sintaktičkom ustrojstvu (staro)hrvatskoga jezika događale vrlo krupne jezične promjene, koje su posljedica “departicipijalizacije” participa, tj. preobrazbe naslijeđenih participnih oblika u glagolske priloge.
This paper deals with the development of discourse competence in German-, Russian- and Bulgarian-speaking children. In particular, it examines the use of anaphoric pronominal reference in elicited narrations of children between the ages of 2;6 and 6;0. As the pronominal (and nominal) systems of target German, Russian and Bulgarian differ in the repertoire and functions of anaphoric elements we will examine which kind of noun phrases children use to make reference to story participants. In a second step of the analysis, we will investigate how pronominal expressions relate to antecedents. In this respect the pronominal form of the anaphor, the syntactic function of the antecedent and the distance between antecedent and anaphor will be analyzed. The findings will be discussed with regard to predictions made by proposals such as the Complementary Hypothesis (Bosch, Rozario, and Zhao 2003) which assumes an asymmetry between the use of personal pro-nouns and demonstrative pronouns when referring back to subject or object antecedents.
It is well known that English children between the age of 4 and 6 display a so-called Delay of Principle B Effect (DPBE) in that they allow pronouns to refer to a local c-commanding antecedent. Their guessing pattern with pronouns contrasts with their adult-like interpretation of reflexives. The DPBE has been explained as resulting from a lack of pragmatic knowledge or insufficient cognitive resources. However, such extra-grammatical accounts cannot explain why the DPBE only shows up in particular languages and in particular syntactic environments. Moreover, such accounts fail to explain why the DPBE only emerges in comprehension and not in production. This paper hypothesizes that the presence or absence of the DPBE can be explained from the properties of the grammar. Fischer's (2004) optimality-theoretic analysis of binding, explaining cross-linguistic variation, and Hendriks and Spenader's (2005/6) optimality-theoretic account of the acquisition of pronouns and reflexives are combined into a single model. This model yields testable predictions with respect to the presence or absence of the DPBE in particular languages, in particular syntactic environments, and in comprehension and/or production.
This paper investigates the production and comprehension of intrasentential anaphoric pronominal reference in Russian. In particular, it examines the elicited imitation and comprehension of three anaphoric pronouns in subject position – personal 3rd singular masculine, demonstrative and zero – in one hundred and eighty monolingual Russian-speaking children and twenty adults. The three types of pronouns were designed to have an antecedent in the preceding sentence containing a verb and two arguments. These antecedents differ in their syntactical role and animacy. The sentence position, agentivity and topicality remained constant. The sentences with (in)animate subjects and objects constituted the following four 'conditions': two sentences with a subject and an object being either animate or inanimate and two sentences with a subject and an object exhibiting a diverse (in)animacy. Regarding the resolution of the anaphoric pronouns the similarity principle (or feature-concord rule) and its possible violations were tested. This principle suggests that an anaphoric pronoun is most likely resolved to the antecedent with a maximum of similar characteristics or features and it primarily governs the assignment of an antecedent to anaphoric pronouns in subject position in the absence of the violating conditions. Results show the influence of this rule on the anaphora resolution process increasing with age, on the one hand, and the development of the impact of animacy, syntactic role and the type of anaphoric pronouns that violate the feature-concord rule, on the other.